or  THE 

Theological    Seminnry, 

NCETON.    N.  J. 

BR    145     .G93    1870    v. 2 
Guericke,    Heinrich   Ernst 
1         Ferdinand,    1803-1878. 

A   manual   of    church   history 

1 

DONATION 


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MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY. 


BY 


HENRY   E.  F.  GUERICKE, 

DOCTOK  AND  PROFESSOR  OP  THEOLOGY  IN  HALLE. 


S^ranslateb  from  t^z  ^ttmnn 


BY 


WILLIAM  G.  T.  SHEDD, 

BALDWIN  PEOFESSOK  IN   UNION   THEOLOOICAI,  SEMINAET. 


MEDIAEVAL  CHURCH  HISTORY,  A.D.  590  — A.D.  1073. 


WAEREN  F.  DRAPER,  PUBLISHER. 


MAIN   STREET. 


1870. 


Entered  aeoording  to  Act  of  Conpres.«,  in  the  year  1870,  by 

WAKUKX    V.   DKAl'ER, 

In  the  Clerk's  Ofllce  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Maasacbosetts. 


ASDOTBB: 

nuarsD  bt  wabuoi  v.  dbatbu 


,  BAUD,   AVCHY  *   niYK. 


NOTE. 

BY    THE     TRANSLATOR. 


This  portion  of  Guericke's  Church  History  continues  the 
account  down  to  A.  D.  1073,  when  Hildebrand  ascended  the 
Papal  chair  as  Gregory  VII.  It  includes,  among  other 
topics,  the  spread  of  Chriytianity  among  the  Gothic,  Scan- 
dinavian, and  Sclavic  races  ;  the  distracting  controversies 
respecting  the  two  Wills  in  Christ,  Image  Worship,  and  the 
Sacrament  of  the  Supper ;  and  the  great  schism  between 
the  East  and  West.  With  the  previous  volume,  published 
in  1857,  this  addition  comprises  the  History  of  the  Church 
during  the  first  Ten  Centuries. 


CONTENTS. 


MEDIAEVAL    CHURCH    HISTORY. 

Page 
Characteristics  of  the  Romano-Germanic  Age  of  the  Church        .  1 

THIRD  PERIOD:  A.D.  590-814. 

SECTION     FIRST. 

THE    SPEEAD    AND    LIMITATION    OF   CHRISTIANITY. 

CHAPTER  FIRST. 

OPPOSITIOX    TO    CHRISTIANITY. 

§  95.     Persian  and  Mohammedan  Persecution       ....  3 

CHAPTER   SECOND. 

THE    SPREAD    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

§  96.     Christianity  in  England 9 

97.  Christianity  in  Germany 12 

98.  Christianity  in  Asia 23 

SECTION     SECOND. 

CHURCH'  POLITY. 

§    99.     Relation  between  Church  and  State  ....  25 

100.  Monachism  and  the  Clergy 28 

101.  Formation  of  the  Papacy 31 

SECTION    THIRD. 

CHRISTIAN    LIFE   AND    WORSHIP. 

§  102.     Christian  Life  and  Culture 39 

103.     Christian  Worship 42 

V 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


SECTION     FOURTH. 

HISTOKY    OF    DOCTRINE. 

CHAPTER  FIRST. 

THEOLOGY   AND   CONTROVERSIES. 


§  104.  Theology  in  the  West 

105.  Theology  in  the  East 

106.  Monothelite  Controversy  . 

107.  Adoption  Controversy 

108.  Luape  Controvei-sy    . 

109.  Image  Controvci-sy  (continued) 

110.  Dogmatico-IIislorical  Survey     . 


CHAPTER    SECOND. 

SECTS. 


47 
51 
53 
60 
63 
65 


§111.     Paulicians. 


76 


FOURTH  PERIOD:  A. D.  814-1073. 

SECTION     FIRST. 

THE    SPREAD    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

§112.     Christian  Missions  in  Northern  Europe 
113.     Christian  Missions  amou"  the  Selaves 


81 
91 


SECTION    SECOND. 

CHURCH    POLITY. 

§114.     Tlie  Papal  Constitution 99 

115.     The  Popes 102 

IKI.     Church  and  State 112 

117.     The  Clergy  and  Monachisin 115 

SECTION     THIRD. 

CHRISTIAN    LIFE    AND    WuKSlIU". 

§118.     Christian  Life .        119 

119.  Christian  Worship 121 

120.  Opposition  to  Superstition li'l 


CONTENTS.  Vii 

SECTION    FOURTH 

HISTORY    OF   DOCTRINE. 

CHAPTER  FIRST. 

THEOLOGY  AND   CONTROVERSIES. 

Page 

§  121.     Separation  between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches   .  530 

122.  Theology  in  the  West 537 

1 23.  Predestination  Controversy ' 543 

124.  Sacramentarian  Controversy 550 

125.  Dogmatico-Historical  Survey 152 

126.  Sects 153 


MEDMVAL  CHDECH  HISTORY. 


THE   ROMANO-GERMANIC  AGE  OF  THE  CHURCH 

FROM  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  TO  THE  REFORMATION. 


A.D.  590-1517. 


The  dominant  Characteristic  of  Mediaeval  Church  History, 
in  its  four  periods,  consists  in  the  fact  that  the  Church  no 
longer  receives  its  form  and  impress  from  the  ancient  Graeco- 
Roman  empire,  but  from  the  Germanic  races  and  the  new 
modern  Rome.  Hence,  the  third  period  in  the  general  his- 
tory of  the  Church  (590-814)  describes  the  conversion  of  the 
German  populations  to  Christianity ;  the  fourth  period  (814- 
1073)  shows  how  Rome  took  occasion,  from  the  formation 
of  the  German  Church,  to  build  up  its  hierarchy,  and  how 
the  contest  between  the  Italian  and  German  Churches 
became  the  central  point  of  the  history ;  the  fifth  period 
(1073-1294)  exhibits  the  Romish  hierarchy  at  its  height  of 
power  and  influence  ;  and  the  sixth  period  (1294-1517)  pre- 
sents it  in  its  decline,  preparatory  to  the  Reformation  and 
prophetic  of  it.  Meanwhile,  the  Greek  Church,  forced  into 
narrower  limits  by  Mohammedanism,  internally  corrupted 
by  the  Image  Controversy,  and  petrified  into  formalism  by 
its  connection  with  the  Byzantine  court,  loses  more  and 
more  its  importance  in  Ecclesiastical  History.  Although 
the  Middle  Age  in  Church  History  properly  begins  with  the 
seventh  century,  yet  it  does  not  acquire,  until  the  ninth  cen- 


'J  INTRODUCTION. 

tury,  tin*  distinct  character  of  a  |xriod  of  transition,  fron:i 
tht'  Ancient  Cliri>tianily  ^liapi-d  by  tin*  culture  of  llie  classic 
world,  to  the  Mediaeval  Christianity  moulded  by  the  traits 
of  those  new  Gothic  races. which  were  brought  upon  the 
theatre  of  action  by  the  migration  of  nations.  The  sub- 
stance of  Mediaeval  Church  History,  consequently,  consists 
in  the  conflict  of  an  old  and  finished  with  a  new  and  form- 
ing civilization,  as  it  is  seen,  through  all  the  mediaeval  cen- 
turies, in  mighty  waves  of  action  and  reaction,  in  ferment- 
ing and  turbid  elements,  until,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
reformatory  spirit  and  tendency  penetrates  and  pervades  the 
entire  mass,  and  the  Middle  Ages  are  at  an  end. 


THIRD  PERIOD  :   A.  D.  590-814. 


SECTION    FIRST. 
The  Spread  and  Limitation  of  Christianity. 

CHAPTER    FIRST. 

OPPOSITION   TO    CHRISTIANITY. 

§95. 

PERSIAN  AND  MOHAMMEDAN  PERSECUTION. 

Abulfeda  De  vita  et  rebus  gestis  Mohammcdis  (Mohammedan).  Pri- 
deaux  La  vie  de  Mahomet.  Gagnier  La  vie  de  Mohammed.  Giger 
"Was  hat  Mohammed  aus  dcm  Judenthum  aufgenommen  ?  Von  Hammer- 
Purgstall  Mohammed  der  Prophet.  Dollinger  Muhammed's  Religion. 
Weil  Mohammed  der  prophet.  F  o  r  s  t  e  r  Mohammedanism  Unveiled.  Bush 
Life  of  Mohammed.  Irving  Life  of  Mohammed.  Gibbon  Decline  and 
Fall,  Chap.  L.     Arnold  Natural  History  of  Islamism. 

Severe  persecution  .  of  the  Church  marked  the  opening 
of  the  Mediaeval  Centuries.  Great  distress,  though  only- 
temporary  and  local,  befell  the  Christians  of  the  East,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  through  the  enmity  of 
Chosroes  II.,  King  of  Persia;  but  a  far  more  lasting  and 
widely  extended  persecution  arose,  soon  after,  from  a  new 
and  false  religious  system. 

When  the  Persian  king,  Chosroes  II.,  took  the  city  of 
Jerusalem,  in  June,  614,  and  soon  after  wrested  from  the 
Roman  empire  several  other  provinces,  the  Christian  institu- 
tions of  these  countries  were  broken  up,  and  the  Christians 
themselves  met  with   bloody   persecution,  or,  in   some  few 

3 


4  A.  D.  590—814.     spread  and  limitation. 

instances,  were  forced  to  adopt  the  Nestorian  heresy.  Many 
thousands  in  Jerusalem,  particularly  clergymen,  monks,  and 
consecrated  virgins,  were  slain  at  the  capture  of  the  city,  the 
splendid  church  edifices  were  thrown  down,  and  the  patri- 
arch Zacharias  with  others  was  carried  away  to  Persia.  But 
this  was  only  a  transient  persecution.  The  emperor  Herac- 
lius,  in  several  successful  battles  between  the  years  622  and 
628,  wholly  overcame  Chosroes,  and  the  Church  was  restored 
to  its  old  position.  The  Christian  prisoners  were  freed ;  and 
Heraclius  carried  back  into  Jerusalem,  upon  his  own  shoul- 
ders, the  "  true  cross,"  which  had  been  captured  with  the 
patriarch  Zacharias.  But  soon  after  these  events  a  much 
more  terrible  enemy  arose  against  the  Church. 

It  was  an  evident  token,  not  only  for  particular  portions 
of  the  Church  but  for  all  Christendom,  of  the  punitive  jus- 
tice and  the  chastising  love  of  God,  that  Christianity  for  a 
time  lost  its  sway,  and  a  new  and  false  religion  was  estab- 
lished throughout  a  large  part  of  its  dominions.  The  spirit 
of  the  world  had  found  entrance  into  the  Church  ;  the  pro- 
fessors of  Christianity,  occupied  with  idle  musings  or  friv- 
olous dialectical  disputes,  had  lost  sight  of  the  true  nature  of 
their  religion  ;  Christian  societies  had  ceased  to  be  the  salt  of 
the  earth ;  and  the  originally  simple  worship  of  the  church 
had  become  sensuous  and  idolatrous.  This  declension  was 
greatest  at  the  East,  and  in  this  part  of  Christendom  now 
arose  the  Mohammedan  Religion.,  claiming  to  be  the  primitive 
patriarchal  monotheism,  the  only  genuine  theism,  purified 
from  the  foreign  elements  that  had  come  into  it  from  Judaism 
and  Christianity  ;  ^  but  which,  in  fact  was,  at  best,  nothing 

1  What  particular  positive  jturpose  in  the  Divine  plan,  Islamism  is  to  subserve, 
l)esi(lcs  its  nej^ativc  funetion  as  a  jiunitivc  jud^mient  upon  the  degenerate  Eastern 
Church,  is  a  difiicult  ]>roi)lcni  in  the  i>hilosoi)hy  of  history.  Perhaps,  by  means 
of  its  ri>,Hd  and  fanatical  monotheism,  and  its  local  position  midway  between  the 
fetichism  and  cannibalism  of  Africa  and  the  pantheism  of  Asia,  it  is  destined  to 
]jre])arc  the  way  for  Christianity.  [The  features  in  Mohammedanism  most  hos- 
tile to  the  Christian  relijrion,  arc,  its  exclusion  of  the  doctfine  of  the  trinity,  by 
its  unitarian  idea  of  the  Deity ;  of  the  doctinne  of  Christ's  divinity,  by  its  ele- 
vation of  Mohammed  ;  of  the  doctrine  of  sin,  by  its  doctrine  of  faith ;  and  of 
the  doctrine  of  redeniptiou,  by  its  doctrine  of  paradise.  — Tkanslator]. 


§  95.      PERSIAN    AND    MOHAMMEDAN    PERSECUTION.  5 

but  Judaism,  or  Judaistic  Christianity,  degraded  to  the  level 
of  natural  religion,  and  emptied  of  all  its  distinctive  charac- 
teristics as  a  revealed  system.^ 

Abul  Kasem  Mohammed  was  born  in  569,  or  570,  at  Mecca 
in  Arabia,  of  the  race  of  Ishmael,  of  the  tribe  of  Koreishites, 
and  of  the  family  of  Hashem,  to  which  belonged  by  inher- 
itance the  care  of  the  Kaaba,  the  common  Arabic  sanctuary 
at  Mecca.  Stirred,  in  the  midst  of  Sabaeism  and  other  forms 
of  idolatry,  by  the  reminisce.nces  and  relics  of  the  old  primi- 
tive monotheism,  he  became  acquainted  with  the  scriptures 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  and,  at  first,  his  passion- 
ate mind  and  nature  seem  to  have  been  somewhat  influenced 
by  them.  He  was  content,  in  the  beginning  of  his  career, 
with  being  regarded  as  the  teacher  and  prophet  of  the  poly- 
theistic Arabic  tribes,  whose  idol-worship  he  opposed.  Elated 
by  his  success,  and  the  enthusiasm  he  had  awakened,  he 
soon  enlarged  his  pretensions,  and  commenced  a  violent 
opposition  to  both  Jews  and  Christians.  Denuding  the 
truths  which  he  had  borrowed  from  both  Judaism  and  Chris- 
tianity, of  their  distinguii^hing  characteristics,  and  aided, 
perhaps,  by  demoniacal  arts,^  in  convincing  his  followers  of 
his  supernatural  office  and  mission,  he  shrank  not  from 
adopting  the  great  idea  of  Christianity,  that  all  nations  are 
to  become  one  flock,  under  one  shepherd.  And  since  spirit- 
ual weapons  were  wanting  for  the  realization  of  his  plan,  he 
substituted  those  of  the  flesh,  and  became  the  founder  of  the 
only  religion  in  the  world  that  has  been  extended  by  such 
instrumentalities. 

In  the  year  611  he  began,  at  first  secretly,  and  then  pub- 
licly, to  promulgate  his  new  religion,  at  Mecca.  On  July 
15th,  622,  he  was  forced  to  flee  before  the  sword  of  his  ene- 

1  Mohammedanism  conceded  to  Judaism  and  Cliristianity  a  historical  signifi- 
cance, as  earlier  but  falsified  revelations  from  God,  preparatory  to  itself.  Abra- 
ham, Moses,  and  Chi'ist,  were  worthy  of  honor,  but  greater  honor  was  due  to 
Mohammed.  Jerusalem  and  its  temple  were  sacred,  but  yet  more  sacred  were 
Mecca  and  Medina. 

2  Respecting  the  miracles  of  Mohammed,  see  T  h  o  1  u  c  k  Die  Wunder  Mo- 
hammeds.  Vermischte  Schriften  Thl.  I. 

1* 


6  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

miop.^  He  gained  over  the  city  of  Medina  to  his  cause ; 
the  number  of  his  adherents  continually  increased.  In  630 
he  captured  Mecca;  and  as  prince  and  prophet  consecrated 
the  Kaaba  as  the  chief  temple  of  Islamism;'^  leaving  at 
his  death,  in  1632,^  to  his  successors,  the  caliphs,  (i.e. 
vicegerents),  the  whole  of  Arabia  subject  to  his  sway  and. 
obedient  to  his  religion.  The  first  caliph,  Abuhekr,  Moham- 
med's father-in-law,'*  collected,  in  604,  the  revelations  which 
Mohammed  professed  to  have  received,  at  different  times, 
and  for  special  cases,  tlirough  the  angel  Gabriel.  This 
work,  entitled  the  Kordn^  (divided  into  114  suras  or  sec- 
tions), is  the  sacred  book  of  the  Mohammedans.  It  is  com- 
posed of  disconnected  sentences,  of  a  commonplace,  bombas- 
tic, and  declamatory  character,  and  in  many  parts  is  a 
wretched  imitation  of  portions  of  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments. With  the  Koran  are  also  associated  two  other 
works,  that  are  authoritative  sources  of  Mohammedan  doc- 
trine. The  first,  entitled  the  Hadith  or  Sunna,  is  a  collection 
of  the  oral  teachings  of  the  "prophet;"  and  the  second, 
called  Idschma  el-Umme,  is  the  concensus  of  doctrine  accord- 
ins  to  the  more  immediate  heads  of  Islamism. 

Before  his  death,  Mohammed  had  sent  ambassadors  to 
emperors  and  kings,  demanding  that  they  should  acknowl- 
edge himself  to  be  the  messenger  of  God,  and  had  made  a 
successful  begiiuiing  in  compelling  faith  in  his  religion  by 

1  The  date  of  this  fli{,'ht  (Ilegira,  or  Ilctlschra)  is  the  Mohammedan  epoch. 

2  Islam  sifj;nifies  submission  to  God,  resignation  ;  Iman  means  faith.  Ilenoe 
the  I^Iohanimedans  are  called  cither  Muslimin  or  MQminrn. 

"  His  death  was  caused  by  eating  the  flesh  of  a  poisoned  sheep,  which  a  Jewess 
had  set  before  him  after  the  storming  of  the  Jewish  city  Chaibar.  According  to 
the  story,  Mohammed  took  a  picte  of  the  flesh,  chewed  it,  but  spat  it  out,  saying, 
'  This  sheep  tells  me  that  it  is  poisoned.'  But  the  poison  was  left  in  his  system, 
and  he  ever  after  complained  that  the  meat  of  Chaibar  troubled  him.  In  hia 
last  hours,  just  before  his  death,  he  said  to  his  favorite  wife  Aisha :  "  The  meat 
of  Chaibar  is  bursting  all  my  veins." 

*  Mohammed  left  no  sons,  and  only  one  daughter,  Fatima,  who  became  the 
wife  of  Ali. 

'  Edited  in  Arabic,  with  a  Latin  translation,  by  MarracCius,  Patav,  1698; 
Arabic  text  edited  by  Red  slob,  and  pulilishcd  by  Tauchnitz,  1837  ;  translated 
into  English  by  Sale,  London,  IT.'U  ;  into  German  by  L.  Ullmann  ;  and  into 
French  by  Savary,  1782,  and  Pauthier,  1844. 


§  95.      PERSIAN    AND    MOHAMMEDAN    PERSECUTION.  7 

the  sword.  -Animating  his  successors  by  the  assurance  that 
God  had  given  the  world  into  their  hands,  they  followed  up 
his  designs  by  his  method.  They  were  favored  by  the  weak 
condition  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  the  dissensions  of  the 
Oriental  Church.  Under  the  leadership  of  Omar,  the  second 
and  greatest  of  the  caliphs,  and  his  successors,^  the  Moham- 
medans conquered  Syria  and  Palestine  ^  (639),  Egypt  (640), 
Persia  (651),  North  Africa  (807),  and  Spain  (711).3  They 
pushed  forward  even  into  France,  with  the  design  of 
connecting  the  East  with  the  West  by  a  line  of  conquests, 
and  building  a  firm  bridge  for  the  passage  of  their  religion 
from  the  Asiatic  to  the  European  world.  But  this  design 
was  frustrate'd  by  the  victory  of  the  French  king,  Charles 
Martel,  at  the  battle  of  Poictiers,  in  732,  which  forever 
broke  the  Arabic  power  north  of  the  Pyrenees.  Though 
repulsed  in  the  West,  the  Mohammedans  afterwards  twice 
laid  seige  to  Constantinople, —  once  in  669-670,  and  again 
in  717-718.  Islamism  threw  down  all  the  walls  of  separa- 
tion between  the  nations  which  it  overran,  but  was  itself,  in 
the  midst  of  its  victories,  split  into  two  great  parties,  by  the 
dispute  respecting  the  succession  to  Mohamm^ed's  office  and 
power,  and  the  differences  relating  to  the  Mohammedan 
theology  that  were  connected  with  it.  The  two  parties  were 
headed  by  Omar,  and  Ali,  Mohammed's  son-in-law,  who 
became  the  fourth  caliph  (654—660).  The  great  division  of 
the  SMites  (to  which  the  Persians  belong)  held  that  the  civil 
and  religious  offices  of  caliph  and  imam  belonged  to  the 
line  of  Ali  alone,  and  rejected  the  first  three  caliphs,  together 
with  the  entire  body  of  traditions,  from  Abubekr  downward. 
In  opposition  to  them,  the  orthodox  moslems,  who  called 
themselves  the  Simnites  (Ahl  es-Sunna,  the  people  of  the 

1  Histoires  des  Arabes  sous  le  gouvernment  ties  Califes,  par  De  Marigny, 
Paris,  1750;  Von  Hammer  Gemaldesaal  moslimischer  Herrscher. 

2  Jerusalem  was  captured  in  637  by  the  Saracens  under  the  Caliph  Omar,  who, 
by  stipulation  with  the  patriarch  Sophronius,  granted  to  the  inhabitants  their  Jives, 
property,  and  churches ;  only  converting  the  national  temple  into  a  mosque. 
Jerusalem,  with  its  patriarchs,  remained  under  the  Mohammedan  yoke  until  it 
was  temporarily  delivered  from  it  by  the  Crusaders. 

3  Murphy  History  of  the  Mahometan  Empire  in  Spain,  London,  1816. 


8  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

tradition),  "  rospectetl  the  memory  of  Abubekr,  Omar,  Oth- 
man,  and  All,  as  the  holy  and  legitimate  successors  of  the 
prophet,  but  assigned  the  humblest  place  to  the  last."  This 
division  of  the  Mohammedans  was  dominant  at  the  Otto- 
man court,  and  throughout  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

Mohammedanism  granted  toleration  to  the  Christians- 
upon  the  payment  of  a  poll-tax;  but  many  Christians  in 
the  coiujuered  countries,  especially  in  the  East,  from  fear  or 
hope  of  earthly  advantage,  followed  the  fortunes  of  the  vic- 
tors, and  adopted  their  religion,  so  that  the  Christian  Church 
in  these  regions  lost  almost  entirely  its  visible  form.  The 
Catholic  patriarchates  of  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  and  Alexandria 
were  henceforth  only  nominal  and  titular.  The  Saracenic 
persecution  in  Spain  was  the  only  instance  in  which  the 
Mohammedans  spilt  Christian  blood.  The  Saracen  laws 
had  allowed  the  Christians  the  free  practice  of  their  religion, 
and  they  had,  in  fact,  been  but  little  molested,  until,  about 
the  year  850,  Saracen  arrogance  enkindled  the  martyr  zeal. 
This  soon  passed  the  bounds  of  Christian  sobriety  and  pru- 
dence, in  a  fanatical  party  of  Christians,  who  were  urged  on 
by  the  presbyter  Eulogius  of  Cordova,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Toledo,  and  his  friend  Paul  Alvarus,  notwithstanding 
the  endeavor  of  the  council  of  Cordova  in  852  to  restrain 
their  enthusiasm.  A  somi'what  long  and  bloody  persecution 
was  the  consequence.  But  in  the  mountains  of  northern 
Spain  a  prolonged  and  chivalrous  contest  for  national  inde- 
pendence and  Christianity,  in  opposition  to  the  Arabic 
dominion,  was  even  now  beginning,  and  Christianity  con- 
quered in  the  end. 


CHAPTER  SECOND. 

THE    SPREAD    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

§    96. 

CHKISTIANITY  IN  ENGLAND. 

Gale  Historiae  Britannicae,  Saxonicae,  Anglo-Danicae  Scriptores,  in  Gal- 
landi  Bibliotheca  XII.  189,  sq.  L  i  n  g  a  r  d  The  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church.  Turner  History  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  S  c  h  r  o  d  1  Das  erste  Jahr- 
hundert  der  Englischen  Kirche.  B  e  d  e  Ecclesiastical  History.  W  i  1  k  i  n  s 
Concilia  Magnae  Britannicae  et  Hiberniae.  Usher  Britannicae  Ecclesiae  An- 
tiquitates.  L  a  n  i  g  a  a  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ireland.  Hume  History  of 
England. 

Christianity  had  become  firmly  established  in  Ireland 
and  Scotland  during  the  preceding  period  (§  68)  ;  but  in 
the  meanwhile  the  Anglo-Saxons^  by  their  invasion,  had  to 
a  great  degree  broken  up  the  ancient  British  churches  and 
Christian  institutions  in  England,  and  introduced  paganism 
again.  The  conversion  of  the  Saxons  and  the  re-Christian- 
izing of  England  proceeded  from  Rome. 

Gregory  the  Great,  while  yet  a  Roman  abbot,  had  been 
deeply  moved  to  go  as  a  missionary  to  England,  by  the  sight 
of  young  pagan  Anglo-Saxon  slaves,  and  was  prevented  only 
by  the  pressing  entreaties  of  the  Roman  Church  (Bede's 
Ecclesiastical  history,  b.  11.  c.  1).  After  being  appointed 
bishop  of  Rome,  in  590,  he  was  purposing  to  buy  Anglo- 
Saxon  slaves,  in  order  to  instruct  them  in  Christianity,  that 
they  might  disseminate  it  in  their  native  land,  when  a  favor- 
able circumstance  afforded  him  a  more  speedy  opportunity 
of  carrying  out  his  design.  Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent,  the 
most  powerful  prince  in  the  English  heptarchy,  had  married 

9 


10  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

Bertha^  a  Christian  princess,  the  daughter  of  a  French  king. 
Emboldened  by  this  fact,  Gregory  ordained,  in  596,  a  Ro- 
man abbot  Aug-usfine  together  with  a  presbyter  Laurentius 
(St.  Lawrence)  and  a  monk  Peter ^  and  some  thirty  other 
monks,  as  missionaries  to  England.  While  on  their  jour- 
ney the  company  were  frightened  by  reports  of  the  savage 
wildness  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  but  were  reassured  and 
strengthened  in  their  purpose  by  Gregory's  Christian  exhor- 
tations (Grcgorii  Epp.  vi.  51)  and  Augustine!s  courage,  and 
in  597  landed  upon  the  little  island  of  Thanet,  east  of  Kent. 
At  first,  the  king,  from  whom  after  announcing  their  arrival 
they  reverently  withdrew  and  kept  themselves  solemnly 
aloof,  took  them  to  be  magicians.  But  soon  he  gave  them 
his  confidence,  granted  them  permission  to  preach  the  gos- 
pel, even  in  his  chief  city  Durovern  (Canterbury),  and  in 
597  received  baptism  himself,  without,  however,  compelling 
his  people  to  follow  his  example,  as  Augustine  had  taught 
him  that  the  service  of  Christ  is  a  voluntary  one.  After 
laboring  for  some  time  with  great  success,'  Augustine,  in  con- 
formity with  instructions  from  Rome,  went  to  Aries  to  receive 
episcopal prdination  from  archbishop  Etherick,  in  order  that 
he  might  discharge  the  office  of  a  bishop  in  the  new  church. 
He  then  sent  Laurentius  and  Peter  to  Rome,  to  give  an  ac- 
count to  Gregory  of  what  had  been  accomplished,  and  to  ask 
advice  in  reference  to  the  future.  To  his  inquiries  Gregory 
gave  very  wise  and  discreet  replies.  He  dissuaded  him 
from  all  narrow  and  stiff  adherence  to  the  usages  of  the 
Roman  church,  recommended  moderation  in  the  suppression 
of  idol-worship,  and  bade  him  estimate  the  miracles  by 
which  he  supposed  his  missionary  work  was  accompanied, 
by  their  practical  effects  upon  the  hearts  of  the  heathen 
(Grcgorii  Epp.  xi.  28).  At  the  same  time  he  sent  copies 
of  the  Bible,  and  a  new  corps  of  assistants  with  the  abbot 
Mellitua  at  their  head,  and  appointed  Augustine  archbishop 
of  London,  with  the  commission  to  found  a  second  arcli- 


•  Upon  one  Christmas  festival,  ten  thousand  were   baptized  (Gregorii  Epp. 
Vm.  30). 


§    96.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    ENGLAND.  11 

bishopric  at  Eboracum  (York).  But  as  London  belonged 
to  Essex  and  not  to  Kent,-  Augustine  chose  Durovern  for 
his  archiepiscopal  seat,  and  thus  Canterbury  became  the 
principal  metropolitan  church  for  England. 

It  was  now  a  leading  aim  of  Augustine  to  bring  about  a 
union  between  the  old  British  and  the  new  English  churches. 
Several  peculiar  usages,  such  for  example,  as  the  adoption 
of  the  Oriental  time  of  celebrating  Easter,  together  with 
an  unwillingness  to  subject  themselves  to  the  Roman  church, 
separated  the  ancient  Britons  in  England  from  the  Roman 
and  Anglo-Saxon  churches,  and  these  differences  were  aggra- 
vated by  the  national  hatred  of  the  Britons  toward  the 
Anglo-Saxons.  A  conference  was  held  between  the  parties 
but  without  results.  The  British  bishops  desired  the  advice 
of  a  national  council;  a  synod  was  held  at  Wigom  (Wor- 
cester) in  601,  but  owing  to  the  mistrust  of  the  Britons 
towards  Augustine,  who  did  not  appear  to  them  to  be  suffi- 
ciently humble  and  unaspiring,  no  union  of  the  two 
churches  was  effected.i 

Augustine  was  succeded,  in  605,  by  Laurentius,  who  had 
the  pain  of  seeing  Ethelbert's  son  and  successor,  Eadhald 
(616),  fall  away  from  Christianity,  from  dislike  of  the  strict 
morality  that  interfered  with  his  sensual  habits.  He  expe- 
rienced a  still  gi-eater  grief,  when  the  three  pagan  sons  of 
the  first  Christian  king  of  Essex  banished  Mellitus  and  all 
his  clergy  from  London.  They  first  took  refuge  with  Lau- 
rentius, and  then  went  over  into  Gaul.  Laurentius  himself 
was  on  the  point  of  following  them,  but  was  held  back  by 
a  terrible  vision,  in  which  the  apostle  Peter  appeared  to  him 
and  rebuked  him  for  his  weakness.  The  recital  of  this 
vision  brought  the  young  king  Eadbald  to  reflection  and 

1  The  intercourse  between  the  English  and  British  churches  was  brought  about 
at  a  later  day,  by  the  residence  of  English  monks  in  Irish  cloisters.  Carrying 
the  Irish  culture  and  hooks  with  them  into  England,  the  differences  between  the 
two  parlies  were  first  removed  internally,  and  this  prepared  for  the  external  uni- 
on which  was  effected  at  a  synod  held  near  York  in  664.  Oswin,  the  king  of 
Northumberland,  declared  for  the  Romish  church,  and  Theodore,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  (669-690),  introduced  the  Romish  order  and  ritual. 


12  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

repentance,  so  that  he  again  restored  the  Christian  church 
in  Kent. 

Christianity,  from  this  time  forward,  was  constantly 
acquiring  strength  in  England,  by  the  founding  of  cloisters, 
churches,  and  schools.  In  the  course  of  the  seventh  century 
it  spread,  with  some  fluctuations,  from  Kent  into  the  other 
Anglo-Saxon  states.  Northumberland  now  became  the 
principal  point  from  which  its  further  extension  proceeded. 
The  first  Christian  king  of  Northumberland  was  Edwin,  the 
husband  of  Ethelberga,  Eadbald's  sister,  who  had  brought 
with  her  from  Kent,  as  her  spiritual  guide,  Paulinus,  after- 
wards bishop  of  York.  Edwin  died  in  633,  and,  after  a 
brief  success  on  the  part  of  the  old  paganism,  was  succeeded 
by  Oswald  (1642),  who  with  Aidan,  a  monk  from  lona, 
labored  earnestly  and  with  true  Christian  zeal  for  the  spread 
of  Christianity.  Finally,  in  668,  Sussex  received  the  Chris- 
tian faith. 


§  97. 

CHRISTIANITY  IN  GERMANY. 

Rettbcrp  Kirchcngeschiclito  Dcutschhmds.  Ilefelo  Gcschichte  der 
Einfiihrunj;;  des  Christcnthums  im  sOdwostlirhen  Dcutschlnnd.  Popp  Anfiing 
und  Verhrtitunp des  Christcnthums  im  siidlifhin  Doutschland.  Von  Raumcr 
Die  Einwirliinp  des  Cliristenthiims  niif  dio  ahhorhdcutsche  Sprache.  S  p  i  e  k  c  r 
Gcschichte  der  Kcformniion  in  Deiitsclilaiid. 

In  France,  Christianity  had  become  the  dominant  religion, 
in  the  preceding  period,  through  the  baptism  of  Clovis 
(§68.  2),  and  was  gradually  strengthened  by  the  establish- 
ment of  rich  churches  and  cloisters.  But  the  rapacity  of  the 
French  nobles  in  seizing  upon  the  property  of  the  church, 
and  the  ensuing  distractions  of  the  French  kingdom, 
wrought  disastrously  upon  the  French  church,  so  that 
instead  of  France  being  the  source  from  whence  Christ i;inity 
passed  into  Germany,  the  French  church  itself  in  the  eighth 
century  needed  to  be  restored  by  the  Germanic  Christianity. 


§    97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    GERMANY. 


13 


Many  portions  of  Germania  Cisrhenana  had  been  Chris- 
tianized, during  the  preceding  periods,  from  their  connection 
with  the  Roman  empire.  The  castra  stativa  gradually  grew 
into  cities,  and  as  early  as  the  third  and  fourth  centuries, 
mention  is  made  of  bishops  of  Cologne,  Treves,  Liege, 
Mayence,  Worms,  Strasburg,  and  Basle.  But  all,  as  yet, 
was  the  product  of  individual  efforts,  and  not  calculated  for 
permanency.  The  migrations  of  the  pagan  populations 
unsettled  and  deranged  maiiy  things,  which  were  re-estab- 
lished to  some  extent  by  the  connection  of  these  regions 
with  France.  Thus  about  the  year  600,  the  French  ancho- 
rite Goar  labored  along  the  Rhine,  and  preached  the  gospel 
to  the  neighboring  tribes,  afterwards  giving  his  name  to  the 
city  of  St.  Goar.  But  of  far  more  importance  for  the 
spread  of  Christianity  among  the  German  people  than  this 
connection  with  Rome  and  France,  was  the  influence  of 
monks  from  Britain;  first  Irish,  and  afterwards  English. 

About  the  year  590,  Columban,  who  had  been  educated  in 
the  renowned  monastery  of  Bangor,  a  man  of  remarkable 
energy  and  faith,  together  with  no  inconsiderable  scientific 
culture,  crossed  over  into  France,  and  established  himself  in 
Burgundy.  Accompanied  by  several  young  men,  some  of 
whom  were  of  noble  families,  among  them  Gallus,  he 
settled  down  in  the  wild  region  of  the  Vosg-es,  cultivating 
the  soil,  and  founding  the  cloisters  Anegrey,  Luxeuil,  and 
Fontenay.  By  his  plainness  of  speech  and  strictness  in 
discipline,  he  drew  upon  himself  the  hatred  of  the  nobles, 
and  especially  of  the  powerful  princess  Brunhild.  At  the 
same  time,  by  his  persistence  in  some  usages  of  the  Irish 
church  that  were  contrary  to  those  of  Rome,  —  particularly  in 
following  the  Asia  Minor  custom  respecting  the  observance 
of  Easter,  —  he  involved  himself  in  many  disputes  with  the 
French  bishops.  The  consequence  was  his  banishment  by  the 
French  king  Thierry,  in  610.  He  went  to  Switzerland,  and 
began  missionary  labors  in  the  region  of  Zurich.  By  reason 
of  the  destruction  of  an  idol  temple,  he  and  his  associates 
were  driven  from  thence  to  Bregentz,  where  they  obtained 
the  good-will  of  the  pagan  population  by  distributing  the 


14  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

products  of  their  gardening  and  fishing.  After  three  years' 
labor  here,  Columban  was  forced  to  flee  once  more  from  the 
violence  of  a  pagan  prince.  He  betook  himself  to  a  valley 
in  Liguria,  among  the  Pennine  Alps,  and  founded  the  mon- 
astery of  Bobbio,  near  Pavia,  where  he  died  in  615.  Tn  ihe. 
meanwhile  Gallus,  who  had  been  left  behind  in  Swit/ceikmd, 
on  account  of  sickness,  in  believing  trust  laid  the  founda- 
tion, in  613  or  614, of  the  monastery  of  St.  Gall,  in  a  wild 
region,  and  upon  the  banks  of  the  river  Steinach.  The  uni- 
versal confidence  which  he  acquired  by  his  benevolent  labors, 
led  to  his  appointment  to  the  bishopric  of  Costnitz  in  615  ; 
but  he  refused  it,  and  a  native  deacon  Johannes  was  elected, 
at  whose  consecration  Gallus  preached  a  Latin  discourse, 
which  the  newly  appointed  bishop  interpreted  to  the  congre- 
gation. Gallus  died  at  the  castle  of  Arbon  in  640,  whither  he 
had  gone  to  meet  his  old  friend  the  priest  Wilmer,  —  accord- 
ing to  a  doubtful  tradition  being  in  his  ninety-fifth  year. 

In  the  region  now  known  as  Franconia,  where,  perhaps,  a 
feeble  germ  of  Christianity  may  have  been  previously 
planted  after  the  conquest  of  the  Thuringians  by  the  Franks 
in  527,  the  Irish  monk  CijUena  or  Cylian  labored  after  the 
year  650.  At  Wiirzburg,  he  baptized  a  certain  duke  Gozbert, 
but  was  murdered  in  689  by  Geilane,  the  wife  of  the  duke, 
whose  marriage  with  the  brother  of  her  deceased  husband" 
Cylian  had  condemned  and  sought  to  annul. 

In  Bavaria^  a  part  of  Germany  that  felt  less  of  the  influ- 
ence of  British  missionaries  and  more  of  that  of  French, 
there  were  vestiges  still  remaining  of  that  Christianity  which 
had  probably  gone  there  in  the  preceding  period  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  abbot  Severinus.  This  remark- 
able man,  though  a  native  of  the  West,  came  into  Noricum, 
(Austria  and  Bavaria)  from  the  distant  East,  about  the  year 
453,  and  labored  there  for  twenty  or  thirty  years  amidst  the 
dreadful  convulsions  of  the  period  succeeding  the  death  of 
Attila,  dispensing  far  and  wide  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
blessings  of  the  gospel,  in  the  exercise  of  a  deep  ascetic 
self-denial,  and  a  self-sacrificing  love.^     At  a  later  day,  the 

>  Sue  liis  life  by  his  pupil,  the  nW.ot  Eupppi"S  in  Acta  Snuctorum 
Mens  Jan.  T.  I.  p.  483  ;  also  Ne under  Dcnkwurdigkciten  III.  I. 


§  97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    GERMANY.  15 

abbot  Eustasius  of  Luxeuil  and  the  monk  Ag-il,  having  been 
sent  upon  a  missionary  tour  by  a  French  synod  in  613,  are 
said  to  have  travelled  as  far  as  Bavaria,  and  to  have  found 
occasion  for  opposing  a  heresy  prevailing  there  respecting 
the  divinity  of  Christ.     About  651  Emmeran,  a  bishop  from 
Aquitania,  as  he  was  passing  through  Bavaria  with  the 
intention  of  commencing  missionary  work  in  Hungary,  was 
induced  to  remain  by  the  Bavarian  duke   Theodo   I.     He 
labored  three  years  in  Bavaria,  when  he  was  savagely  mur- 
dered near  Regensburg,  while  upon  a  journey,  by  a  son  of  the 
duke.     Subsequently,  about  700,  Rvdbert  or  Ruprecht  bishop 
of  Worms,  descended  from  a  royal  Frank  family,  having 
been  invited  to  Bavaria  by  Theodo  11,  whom  he  baptized, 
founded  a  monastery  and  church  on  the  site  of  the  old 
Roman  city  Juvavia.     This  afterwards  expanded  into  the 
bishopric  of  Salzburg.     A  short  time  afterward,  the  Frank- 
ish  hermit  Corbinian  (1730)  planted  a  church  at  Freisingen. 
The  spread  of  Christianity  encountered  most  hinderance 
amongst  the   savage   Saxons  and  Erie  slanders.      The  first 
attempts   to  evangelize  the  Frieslanders,  on   the  Frankish 
borders,  were  made  by  some  Frankish  bishops.     Amandus, 
appointed  in  626  an  itinerant  bishop  without  any  jfixed  dio- 
cese (episcopus  regionarius),  labored  in  the  districts  of  the 
Schelde,  finally  becoming  bishop  of  Mastricht  (1679).     The 
excellent  Elig-ius  (St.  Eloy),^  first  a  goldsmith,  and  afterwards 
bishop  of  Noyon  (1659),  toiled  with  indefatigable  zeal  for 
eighteen  years,  to  Christianize  his  extensive  diocese,  which 
bordered  upon  the  pagan  tribes.     The  efforts  of  these  mis- 
sionaries were  furthered  by  the  subjugation  of  a  portion  of 
Friesland  by  Pipin,  the  Frankish  mayor  of  the  palace.     En- 
couraged by  an  English  monk  Egbert,  vv'ho  had  purposed,  in 
conformity  with  a  vow  made  in  sickness,  to  go  upon  a  mis- 
sion to  the  Frieslanders,  but  had  been  prevented,  the  English 
monk  and  presbyter  Willibrord,^  commenced  his  missionary 
labors  among  them  (about  680).     He  had  been  prepared  for 

1  His  interesting  biography,  by  his  disciple  Audoen,  is  found  in  D'Achery 
Spicilegium,  T.  II. 

2  See  A 1  c  u  i  n's  life  of  Willibrord. 


16  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation:. 

the  work  by  a  residence  of  twelve  years  in  Ireland.  Accom- 
panied by  twelve  associates,  he  made  his  appearance  at  the 
court  of  Pipin,  who  assigned  him  a  field  of  labor  in  the 
northern  portion  of  the  Frankish  kingdom,  among  the  con- 
quered Frieslanders.  During  the  visit  which  he  made  to 
Rome,  in  692,  at  the  outset  of  his  enterprise,  in  order  to 
place  himself  in  harmoniousrelations  with  the  Roman  bishop, 
his  associates  caused  Suidbert  (1713),  one  of  their  number,  to 
be  ordained  as  bishop.  Suidbert  labored  in  "Westphalia  until 
an  irruption  of  the  Saxons  compelled  him  to  flee,  when  he 
received  from  Pipin  the  island  of  Kaiserworth,  in  the  Rhine, 
for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  monastery.  After  his  return 
from  Rome,  Willibrord  labored  with  much  success'in  Frank- 
ish Friesland,  established  the  archbishopric  of  Utrecht  as  a 
centre  for  missions  among  the  Frieslanders,  and  in  696  was 
consecrated  as  archbishop  under  the  name  of  Clement.  His 
attempts  to  diffuse  Christianity  among  that  portion  of  the 
Frieslanders  who  were  not  under  Frankish  rule,  but  were 
the  subjects  of  the  savage  Radbod,  were  for  a  long  time 
fruitless,  although  he  travelled  as  far  as  Denmark  upon  his 
benevolent  errand.  It  was  only  during  the  latter  years  of 
his  life,  that  any  bright  prospects  opened  before  him  in  these 
regions.  After  the  death  of  Pipin,  in  714,  Radbod  extended 
his  dominion  ;  but  he  was  conquered  in  717  by  the  Frankish 
mayor  of  the  palace,  Charles  Martel,  and  soon  after  died,  in 
719.  The  ascendancy  which  this  energetic  prince  now 
obtained  over  the  subdued  populations  was  favorable  to  the 
spread  of  Christianity  amongst  them.  Willibrord  at  length 
f(mnd  one  of  his  most  zealons  supporters  in  Wursinsr^  a  dis- 
tinguished Frieslander,  and  after  a  long  and  fruitful  life  of 
service  died  in  739,  in  his  eighty-first  year. 

Much  as  had  been  accomplished  for  the  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity in  single  regions  of  Germany,  yet  there  had  been  no 
systematic  plan  of  operations,  and  there  were  no  established 
institutions  for  Christian  education,  by  means  of  which  the 
new  religion  could  be  perpetuated  free  from  pagan  admix- 
tures, and  a  common  German  church  be  formed.  The  task 
of  strengthening  the  existing  missionary  churches,  of  found- 


§  97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    GERMANY.  17 

ing  new  ones  in  every  part  of  Germany,  and  of  organizing 
them  all  into  a  national  unity,  was  devolved  upon  Boniface, 
the  apostle  to  the  Germans,  —  a  spiritual  hero,  to  whom 
Germany  owes  both  its  Christianity  and  its  nationality. 

Boniface,  or  more  properly  Winifred,  was  born  about  683, 
in  Kirton  in  Wessex  (Devonshire).  He  had  been  destined 
by  his  parents,  who  were  of  the  higher  rank  in  life,  to  a  civil 
profession,  but  the  influence  of  his  early  religious  training 
inclined  him  to  a  monastic  Hfe.  He  received  a  scientific 
and  biblical  education  in  two  of  the  most  noted  of  the  Eng- 
lish cloisters,  Exeter  and  Nutescelle  ;  and  acquired  an  early 
distinction  for  mental  ability  and  administrative  talent. 
Stirred  by  the  example  of  the  English  missionaries  of  the 
day,  he  undertook  his  first  missionary  journey  in  715  to  the 
Frieslanders.  He  failed  to  accomplish  anything  among 
them  ;  but  the  unfavorable  result  .of  his  first  attempt  in  the 
missionary  work,  did  not  discourage  him.  On  the  contrary, 
after  his  return  to  his  convent,  he  felt  it  to  be  his  vocation  to 
carry  the  gospel  and  its  blessings  to  the  Germans,  a  people 
kindred  to  his  own.  For  this  reason,  he  declined  an  abbey 
that  was  offered  him,  and  sharing  the  feeling  of  his  age 
respecting  the  importance  of  a  connection  with  the  strong 
and  central  Roman  Church,  journeyed  to  Rome,  in  718,  to 
obtain  the  patronage  and  authority  of  the  Roman  bishop, 
Gregory  11.  He  carried  letters  of  recommendation  from 
his  friend  Daniel,  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  received  a 
commission  from  Gregory.  After  making  a  preliminary 
missionary  journey  into  Thuringia,  in  order  to  inform  him- 
self respecting  the  nature  of  his  future  field,  he  assisted  the 
archbishop  Willibrord,  at  Utrecht,  among  the  Frieslanders, 
for  the  space  of  three  years.  Wilhbrord  desired  him  for  his 
successor,  and  the  archbishporic  was  offered  to  him ;  but 
feeling  that  he  was  called  to  another  work,  he  declined  it, 
and  in  722  went  to  Thuringia  and  Hessia,  which  from  this 
time  were  the  principal  seat  of  his  labors,  and  where  he  laid 
the  first  foundations  of  the  church  in  the  heart  of  Germany. 
At  Amoeneburg,  in  Upper  Hessia,  he  baptized  two  pagan 
princes,  founded  the  first  monastery  of  the  region,  and  con- 
3 


18  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

tinued  to  labor,  amidst  many  dangers  and  difficulties,  upon 
the  borders  between  Hessia  and  Saxony.  At  the  invitation 
of  Gregory  II.  he  went  again  to  Rome,  in  723,  and  was  conse- 
crated, under  the  name  of  Boniface,  as  bishop  without  dioce- 
san limits  (episcopus  regionarius)  for  the  new  German  church. 
He  took  the  oath  of  a  bishop  of  the  Italian  Church,  at  the 
tomb  of  the  Apostle  Peter,  whereby  he  bound  himself  "  by 
God's  help,  to  continue  in  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  faith," 
and  in  every  way  to  keep  his  doctrine  and  practice  pure 
before  Gregory,  "  the  representative  of  the  Apostle  Peter," 
and  the  Roman  Church,  "  upon  which  Christ  had  bestowed 
the  power  to  bind  and  loose."  The  conviction  had  already 
been  formed  in  his  mind,  that  a  connection  with  the  ruler 
of  the  Franks  would  be  advantageous  to  his  missionary 
plans,  and  he  accordingly  took  letters  of  recommendation 
from  Rome  to  Charles  Martel,  and  secured  his  cooperation. 
His  object  was  not  to  substitute  force  for  the  operation  of 
Christian  truth  in  the  heart,  —  for  the  conversion  of  the  soul 
was  his  principal  aim,  in  furtherance  of  which  he  imported 
many  copies  of  the  Scriptures  and  expository  works  from 
England,  —  but  to  obtain  the  necessary  protection  for  the 
institutions  which  he  should  found,  and  to  secure  Christian- 
ity from  the  remnant  of  idolatry  which  threatened  its  purity. 
He  now  went  again  through  Hessia  and  Thuritigia,  preach- 
ing the  word.  To  give  a  shock  to  the  superstition  of  the 
natives,  he  boldly  cut  down  an  ancient  oak  sacred  to  Thor, 
the  god  of  thunder,  which  stood  near  the  town  of  Geismar, 
and  upon  the  spot  constructed,  out  of  the  timber,  a  church 
consecrated  to  St.  Peter.  Deeming  the  monastery  to  be 
of  the  highest  importance,  as  a  seminary  for  the  education 
of  youth  and  the  training  of  a  ministry,  as  well  as  a  sup- 
porting centre  for  missionary  operations  amongst  a  pagan 
population,  he  established  a  cloister  at  Fritzlar,  and  at  Alten- 
berg  in  Thuringia  planted  the  first  church  in  this  part  of 
Germany,  and  afterwards  founded  a  monastery  together  with 
a  church  at  Orthorp  in  the  modern  Gotha.  In  the  year 
732,  the  Roman  bishop  Gregory  III,  consecrated  him  to  the 
office  of  archbishop  and  apostolical  vicar,  with  the  power 


§  97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    GERMANY.  19 

to  ordain  as  many  suffragan  bishops  as  he  should  think 
necessary. 

After  making  a  third  journey  to  Rome  in  738,  Boniface 
began  to  arrange  and  organize  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of 
Germany.  First,  in  739,  he  established,  at  the  invitation  of 
duke  Odilo  of  Bavaria,  four  bishoprics  for  the  Bavarian 
Church;  VIZ.  Salzburg,  Freisingen,  Regensburg,  and  Passau. 
His  succeeding  labors  in  christianizing  Germany  were 
facilitated  by  the  death  of  Charles  Martel,  in  741,  and  the 
accession  to  the  throne,  of  his  sons  Pipin  and  Carloman. 
Charles  Martel,  though  generally  favoring  the  plans  of  Bon- 
iface, frequently  counteracted  them,  by  inducing  the  clergy 
to  engage  in  his  warlike  expeditions,  and  bestowing 
churches  and  cloisters  upon  his  favorites  among  them  ;  but 
his  sons  entered  into  his  missionary  aims  with  a  much  more 
intelligent  sympathy,  —  Carloman  himself  finally  becoming 
a  monk.  "With  this  support,  he  was  enabled  to  carry  out  two 
measures  that  were  of  great  importance  in  the  organization 
and  establishment  of  the  German  Church.  The  first  was 
the  foundation,  in  742,  of  three  new  bishoprics  for  the 
church  in  East  France,  Ilessia,  and  Tliuringia,  —  viz.  at 
Wiirzburg,  Biiraburg  near  Fritzlar,  and  Erfurt,  to  which  was 
soon  added  a  fourth  at  Eichstadt.  The  second  measure 
was  the  introduction,  in  742,  of  regular  provincial  synods. 
These  German  synods,  held  under  the  presidency  of  Boni- 
face as  the  papal  legate,  were  principally  engaged  with  ordi- 
nances relating  to  the  conduct  and  duties  of  the  clergy,  with 
the  suppression  of  pagan  superstition  and  superstitious  prac- 
tices, with  the  promotion  of  Christian  education  amongst 
the  people,  with  the  removal  of  divisions  which  were  liable 
to  become  exceedingly  dangerous  in  a  new  and  growing 
church  among  a  rude  population,  and  with  the  suppression 
of  rising  doctrinal  errors.  As  these  synods  were  sometimes 
held  in  the  towns  of  the  Frankish  kingdom,  and  Franldsh 
bishops  took  part  in  them,  one  natural  consequence  was  the 
introduction  of  the  synodal  system  into  the  disordered 
Frankish  Church,  and  its  reformation  and  strengthening 
thereby. 


20  A.  D.  590 — 814,     spread  and  LnriTATioN. 

In  order  to  the  complete  consolidation  of  the  new  church, 
one  thing  was  still  wanting.  This  was  a  centre,  to  be  the 
permanent  and  recognized  seat  of  the  archbishop;  for  Bon- 
iface, hitherto,  had  not  been  circumscribed  by  any  limits  in 
his  missionary  operations.  At  first  he  was  inclined  to 
choose  Cologne  for  his  archepiscopal  seat,  because  of  its 
proximity  to  the  Frieslanders  ;  but  when,  in  745,  Gebilieb, 
bishop  of  Mentz,  was  deposed  by  a  synod,  for  transgressing 
the  laws  of  the  church  in  sending  a  challenge  and  killing 
his  opponent,  Boniface  was  appointed  archbishop  of  Mentz. 
Desiring,  however,  to  devote  himself  constantly  to  his  mis- 
sionary journeys  among  the  new  churches,  he  soon  sought 
to  be  released  from  the  office,  and  asked  leave  of  the  Roman 
pope  to  appoint  and  ordain  his  own  successor.  For  a  long 
time  the  pope  opposed  his  wishes.  At  length  he  gave  his 
permission,  and  Boniface  devolved  his  archbishopric  upon 
his  tried  pupil  and  friend,  the  Anglo-Saxon  presbyter  Lullus, 
who  was  consecrated  archbishop  of  jNIentz  in  755,  Pi  pin  and 
the  pope  both  giving  their  consent.  The  venerable  man 
now  devoted  his  last  days  to  preaching  the  gospel,  amidst 
difficulties  and  dangers.  He  went  agriin  to  the  Friesland- 
ers^ and  met  with  great  success  among  them.  Having  bap- 
tised a  large  number,  he  set  a  time  for  them  to  present  them- 
selves for  confirmation.  On  the  morning  of  the  appointed 
day,  a  great  multitude,  not  of  converted  Christians,  but  of 
savage  and  enraged  pagans,  made  their  appearance.  Boni- 
face exhorted  his  companions  to  shed  no  blood,  pillowed  his 
head  upon  a  volume  of  the  gospels,  and  died  a  martyr's 
death  at  Docetum  on  the  fiffh  of  June,  755,  in  the  seventy- 
fifth  year  of  his  age.  Fifty-two  of  his  companions  died 
the  same  death.  His  body  was  buried,  according  to  his 
wishes,  in  his  favorite  cloister  Ft/ldaJ 

1  The  writings  of  Boniface  liavo  lu-cn  edited  l>y  Wiirdtwein,  MotruDt, 
1789;  and  truiishited  into  Gcniuui  hy  Wlsz,  Fulda  1842.  For  his  biography 
gee:  Willihivld  (A.  D.  TOO),  Vita  IJoiiif;i(  ii  \a  Caiiisii  Lcetiones  and  I'ertz 
Momnnetita  ;  U  t  h  I  o  Vita  llonifaeii  ( A.  I).  1()50)  in  Canisii  Leeiiones  and  Acta 
Sanetonnn  Jim.  T.  I.  p.  4.')2  ;  G  u  d  e  n  i  i  Disrscrtatio  dc  Bonifac.  ;  G  c  i  8  z  I  e  r 
Bonifaz  dor  Tcutschcn  A|)Ostel  ;  Nt-ander  I)enkwiirdi;:keiten,  and  Church 
History  III.  46  sq. ;  So  iter  (Catholic)  Bonifaiius  der  Ajiostel  der  Deutseheu  ; 
R  e  1 1  b  c  r  g  Kirchcngeschichtc  Dcutschlands. 


§  97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    GERMANY.  21 

The  pupils  of  Boniface  continued  the  work  in  his  spirit. 
Among  them,  the  following  were  the  most  distinguished. 
Greg-ori/,  abbot  of  Utrecht,^  was  the  grandson  of  Adela,  a 
daughter  of  Dagobert  1 1.,  who  had  become  the  abbess  of 
a  cloister  in  Treves.  At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  so 
deeply  impressed  by  the  exposition  by  Boniface  of  a  pas- 
sage of  scripture  which  he  himself  had  read  aloud  at  the 
table  of  his  grandmother,  that  he  insisted  upon  accompany- 
ing him  in  all  his  dangerous  journeys.  He  was  with  Boni- 
face during  his  last  journey  into  Friesland,  and  afterwards 
was  intrusted,  both  by  the  pope  Stephen,  and  king  Pipin, 
with  the  sole  care  of  the.  Friesland  mission.  Declining  the 
archbishopric  of  Utrecht,  he  took  charge  of  the  monastery 
which  was  established  there,  for  the  purpose  of  training 
English,  French,  and  German  youth  for  the  missionary 
work.  He  died  a  peaceful  and  triumphant  death,  after  three 
years  of  helpless  paralysis,  in  781.  Sturmi,  abbot  of  'Ftdda, 
of  a  noble  Bavarian  family,  received  his  training  partly  from 
Boniface  himself,  and  partly  in  the  monastery  at  Fritzlar. 
During  the  first  three  years  of  his  priesthood,  he  assisted 
Boniface  in  his  missionary  labors,  but  was  afterwards  en- 
gaged in  important  enterprises  for  christianizing  the  Ger- 
man nation.  In  736,  he  laid,  with  prayer  and  psalms  of 
praise,  the  foundations  of  the  monastery  of  Hersfeld,  in  the 
vast  beechen  forest  (Buchonia)  which  covered  the  greater 
portion  of  Hessia ;  and,  in  744,  after  a  long  search  for  a 
more  suitable  and  safer  location  th;ai  that  of  Hersfeld,  he 
founded  the  important  monastery  of  Fulda,  which  became 
the  favorite  foundation  of  Boniface,  and  received  orent 
privileges  from  the  pope.  Here,  for  many  years,  S.uiiui 
directed  the  energies  of  four  thousand  m.onks  in  subduing 
the  wilderness,  and  reducing  it  to  cultivation.  He  died  on 
the  17th  of  June  in  799,  his  last  days  being  harassed  by  the 
inroads  of  the  Saxons.^ 

1  See  his  biography  hy  his  pupil  L  u  i  d  e:  e  r ;  and  compare  N  e  a  n  d  e  r  Church 
History  III.  72  sq.,  and  Denkwiirdiiikeiten  III. 

2  See  his  biography  bv  liis  pupil  and  successor  E  i  gi  1,  in  Pertz  Monumcnta 
T.  IT  ;  and  compareN  e  a  n  d  e  r  Church  History  III.  7i,  sq.,  and  Denkwurdig- 
keiten  III. 


22  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

The  race  of  Saxons  in  Northern  Germany  still  remained 
unconverted.  Two  English  missionaries,  brothers  by  the 
name  of  Ewald,  had  suffered  martyrdom  among  them,  in 
the  first  half  of  the  eighth  century.  The  Saxons  were 
especially  averse  to  Christianity,  because  it  conflicted  with 
their  savage,  warlike  nature,  and  because  it  came  to  thejn 
through  the  feared  and  hated  Franks.  Charlemagne,'^  who 
felt  strongly  impelled  to  bring  all  the  races  which  he  con- 
quered under  the  influence  of  Christianity,  had  made  special 
efforts,  since  the  year  768,  to  subdue  and  convert  the  Saxons. 
But  he  proceeded  too  nmch  in  accordance  with  the  princi- 
ples of  a  victorious  conqueror,  and  the  nature  of  his  proud 
and  passionate  spirit,  and  paid  too  little  regard  to  the  wise 
counsel  of  Alctdn,  who  would  attain  the  desired  object  only 
by  the  method  of  instruction  and  conviction  ;  so  that  Chris- 
tianity, for  the  Saxons,  must  necessarily  be  an  almost  wholly 
external  affair,  to  be  received  only  because  the  great  king 
of  the  Franks  thus  willed.  As  often,  consequently,  as  they 
sujcceded  in  throwing  off  the  Frankish  yoke,  they  broke  up 
the  existing  Christian  institutions,  and  it  was  only  after  a 
thirty  years'  conflict  (773-803),  which  ended  with  the  peace 
concluded  at  Seltz  in  804,  that  Charlemagne  could  reckon 
upon  a  permanent  establishment  of  his  rule,  and  of  the 
Christian  church  among  them.  The  founding  of  charitable  in- 
stitutions, churches,  monasteries,  and  bishoprics,^  which  now 
began,  at  least  prepared  for  the  spiritual  conversion  of  the 
coming  generations,  and  was  a  guaranty  of  a  permanent 
result  at  some  future  day.  At  the  same  time,  the  Saxons 
were  not  without  some  excellent  Christian  teachers.  Lmlger, 
a  Friesland  monk,  and  pupil  of  Gregory  and  Alcuin,  labored 
for  seven  years  among  the  Frieslanders,  until  the  revolt  of 
the  Saxon  chief  Wittekind,  in  782,  compelled  him  to  leave. 
He  went  first  to  Rome,  and  then  to  the  abbey  of  Monte 


^  For  his  l)iotrraphy  see  E<ri  n  h  a  r  fl  u  s  De  vita  et  pcstis  Caroli  Mairni,  in 
Pcrtz  Monumcnta  T.  II;  rcpuhlislictl  also  at  ILunlj.,  1839.  A  modern  biofcnipliy 
of  him  has  i)ecn  written  hy  He trc wisch,  1791. 

2  Between  780  and  814,  bishopries  were  estaljli.'ihed  at  Osualaiick,  Bliiuster, 
Padcrbom,  Minden,  Bremen,  Vcrdcn,  and  Scligenstadt. 


§  97.       CHRISTIANITY    IN    ASIA.  23 

Cassino  for  purposes  of  study.  After  the  defeat  of  Witte- 
kind,  in  785,  he  returned  to  his  missionary  labors  ;  first 
among  the  Frieslanders  upon  the  island  of  Heligoland, 
where  he  was  eminently  successful,  and  afterwards  among 
the  Saxons  in  the  region  which  afterwards  constituted  the 
bishopric  of  Munster.  H  re  he  labored  with  unwearied 
.zeal  up  to  the  very  day  of  his  death,  March  26th,  809.i 
Another  noteworthy  missionary  to  the  Saxons  was  the 
English  presbyter  Willehad. '  His  first  labors,  also,  were 
among  the  Frieslanders  ;  but  in  780  Charlemagne  assigned 
him  a  missionary  field  among  the  Saxons,  in  the  region 
which  afterwards  became  the  bishopric  of  Bremen.  Here 
he  labored  with  distinguished  success,  and  died  Nov.  8th, 
789,  the  first  bishop  of  Bremen.^ 

Charlemagne  also,  made  some  attempts  towards  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  pagan  Sclaves  in  Northern  and  Eastern 
Germany.  He  had  planned  the  establishment  of  an  arch- 
bishopric at  Hamburg,  which  should  be  a  centre  for  Slavic 
missions,  but  his  death,  in  814,  prevented  the  execution  of 
his  design. 

§  98. 
CHRISTIANITY  IN  ASIA. 

In  Asia  the  knowledge  of  Christianity,  in  this  period, 
extended  as  far  as  to  China.  The  germs  of  the  gospel  had 
gone  to  this  country  in  the  preceding  centuries,  through  the 
connection  with  the  Eastern  part  of  the  Roman  empire,  and 
the  Christian  clergy  seem  to  have  been  confounded  with  the 
priests  of  the  foreign  religion  of  Fo,  which  had  come  into 
China  from  India.     According  to  an  ancient  inscription,3  a 

1  See  his  life  by  his  second  successor  Alfrid,  in  Pertz  Monumenta  II ;  also 
compare  Ne  ander  Church  History  III.  79  sq. 

2  See  his  life  by  A  n  s  c  h  a  r,  in  Pertz  Monumenta  II ;  also  compare  N  e  a  n  d  e  r 
Church  History  III.  p.  80. 

^  Composed  in  Chinese  and  Syriac,  and  graven  upon  a  stone,  which  was  dis- 
covered in  1625,  and  sent  to  Europe  by  Jesuit  missionaries.  It  purports  to  be 
dated  in  781.  Deguignes  and  Bemusat  maintam  its  genuineness;  Neumann  coa- 
siders  it  spurious. 


24  A.  D.  590 — 814.     spread  and  limitation. 

Nestorian  missionary  named  Olopuen,  from  the  region  of 
Tatsin  lying  upon  the  western  border  of  China,  where  Nes- 
torian churches  then  existed,  came  into  China  in  636,  and 
was  received  with  great  respect,  even  by  Chinese  emperors. 
For  a  series  of  years  after  698,  the  Christians  in  China  are 
said  to  have  been  persecuted,  but  after  the  year  713  were  per- 
manently favored.  According  to  another  oriental  tradition  of 
the  ninth  century,'  the  Nestorian  patriarch  Timotheus  (778- 
820)  sent  missionaries  from  the  monastery  of  Bethabe  in 
Mesopotamia,  among  the  tribes  around  the  Caspian  Sea, 
and  still  farther,  to  East  India  and  China. 

Thus  the  foundations  of  the  Christian  Church  were  laid 
even  in  China,  though  the  purity  of  the  seed  sown,  and  the 
ripeness  of  the  fruit  gathered,  are  not  beyond  doubt  and 
question. 

1  A  s  s  e  m  a  n  i  Bibliotheca  orientalis  T.  III.  P.  I.  p.  1 58  sq 


SECTIOIT  SECOND. 
Church  Polity. 

§  99. 

RELATION  OF  THE  CHURCH  TO  THE  STATE. 

Ever  since  the  fourth  century,  the  church  and  the  state 
within  the  Roman  empire  had  stood  in  most  intimate  rela- 
tions ;  and  this  same  connection  passed  over  to  the  newly 
converted  races,  carrying  with  it  essentially  the  same  form 
of  church  polity  and  discipline.  Moreover,  as  it  was  natural 
that  the  church  should  form  and  mould  the  entire  civiliza- 
tion of  these  barbaric  populations,  so  it  was  even  necessary 
that  it  should  curb  with  a  strong  hand  their  rude  and  pas- 
sionate nature.  Hence  the  influence  of  the  church  upon 
the  state,  during  this  period,  was,  in  general,  more  important 
and  positive  than  in  the  preceding,  although  the  civil  author- 
ity failing  to  discriminate  accurately  between  the  province 
of  the  church  and  that  of  the  state,  oftentimes  disputed, 
with  more  violence,  than  ever  before,  the  claims  of  the 
church  to  independence  and  the  right  to  exert  a  dominant 
influence  over  the  whole  social  life.  Hence,  notwithstand- 
ing the  closeness  of  the  connection  between  the  two,  there 
was  a  constant  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  church,  to  the 
assumption  and  abuse  of  power  on  the  part  of  the  state. 

The  influence  of  the  civil  power  upon  the  church 
appeared  most  plainly  in  the  appointment  of  bishops,  in 
ecclesiastical  legislation,  and  in  the  province  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal law  generally,  —  an  influence  that  was  more  particularly 
defined  and  regulated  by  Charlemagne,  and  was  gi-eatest  in 
the  Prankish  kingdom,  and  least  in  that  of  Spain. 
4 


26  A.  D.  590 — 814.     church  polity. 

The  Frankish  kings,  accustomed  to  bestow  all  offices  in 
their  empire  according  to  their  pleasure,  supposed  that  they 
could  grant  bishoprics  with  equal  arbitrariness,  and  might 
even  sell  them.  Neither  the  earnest  remonstrances  of  Greg- 
ory the  Great  (Epp.  lib.  xi.  p.  58  sq.),  nor  the  decisions  of 
Frankish  synods  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,'  sufficed' 
to  repress  this  disorder,  over  which  Boniface  had  frequently 
to  lament.  Charlemagne,  among  the  measures  which  he 
adopted  for  bringing  order  into  the  distracted  church  in  his 
empire,  restored  the  regular  method  of  electing  bishops, 
reserving  to  the  prince  only  the  right  of  ratifying  the  choice 
of  the  church  and  laity.  Sometimes,  indeed,  he  himself 
nominated  capable  persons  to  the  office  of  bishop,  but  his 
earnest  and  genuine  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  church 
prevented  this  from  working  any  injury. 

The  civil  power  sought  1o  obtain  a  similar  influence,  in 
the  Frankish  empire,  over  ecclesiastical  legislation.  No 
ecclesiastical  ordinance  had  legal  validity,  unless  it  had  pro- 
ceeded from  the  general  assembly  of  the  empire,  and  had 
been  promulgated  under  royal  authority ;  and  no  synod 
could  assemble  for  ecclesiastical  legislation  without  the 
knowledge  and  consent  of  the  king.  By  this  means,  it  had 
come  to  pass,  that  the  provincial  synods,  held  under  the 
presidency  of  a  bishop,  had  gradually  gone  into  desuetude 
in  the  Frankish  empire,  until  they  were  revived  by  Boniface 
in  the  eighth  century,  and  the  imperial  synods  had  become 
comj^letely  merged  in  the  general  assembly  of  the  empire, 
—  whereby,  indeed,  the  church  was  enabled  to  exert  a  more 
direct  influence  upon  the  civil  legislation.  But  this  influence 
again  was  somewhat  restricted  by  Charlemagne.  He  divided 
the  members  of  the  general  assembly  of  the  empire  into  two 
classes,  the  secular  and  the  spiritual,  (the  latter  composed  of 
bishops  and  abbots),  and,   provided  that  all  ecclesiastical 

'  A  synod  in  Paris  in  557  decided  tliat  tlic  election  of  bishops  must  be  made 
by  the  churches  and  clerj^y,  subject  to  the  concurrence  of  the  fTrovincial  bishojjs 
and  the  metropolitan,  and  that  a  bishop  constituted  by  a  merely  royal  mandate 
was  not  to  be  recognized.  Tliis  decision  was  renewed  by  a  Paris  synod  in  615, 
with  the  additional  clause  that  the  prince  mi;;lit  ini|uire  into  the  (itucss  of  the 
candidate,  with  the  power  of  ap])roval  or  of  rejection. 


§    99.       RELATION    BETWEEN    CHURCH    AND    STATE.  27 

matters  should  be  examined  by  the  clerical  division  (the 
general  affairs  of  the  church  falling  to  the  bishops,  and  those 
relating  to  the  monasteries  to  the  abbots),  and  all  civil 
matters  by  the  secular  class.  The  decisions  of  both  classes 
were  then  to  be  published  under  the  royal  authority.  In 
the  Spanish- Gothic  kingdom,  on  the  other  hand,  where  the 
king  sought  to  maintain  his  wavering  power  by  ecclesiasti- 
cal aid,  the  church  exerted  a  greater  influence  upon  civil 
and  secular  affairs  ;  for  it  was  made  a  legal  arrangement, 
through  the  council  of  Toledo  in  694,  that  at  the  great  diet 
of  the  realm,  ecclesiastical  concerns  should  be  first  discussed 
for  three  days  by  the  clerical  members  alone,  and  then  sec- 
ular affairs  should  be  canvassed  by  the  clerical  and  lay 
members  together. 

In  respect  to  the  exemption  of  the  clergy  from  the  public 
burdens  (munera  publica)  resting  upon  all  free  citizens,  they; 
were  free,  in  the  Prankish  empire,  from  the  obligation  to 
serve  in  the  army.  The  bishops  and  abbots  were,  indeed, 
obliged,  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  property  which  they 
held  officially,  to  furnish  a  certain  contingent  to  the  army 
of  the  sovereign ;  yet  they  were  not  under  obligation  to 
accompany  it  themselves  in  person,  though  they  did  so  from 
preference,  and  with  too  much  frequency,  until  a  wise  stat- 
ute of  Charlemagne,  in  801,  forbade  this.i  One  conse- 
quence of  this  statute,  which  absolutely  forbade  a  clergyman 
to  appear  in  battle,  was  that  the  clergy  began  to  be  taken 
from  the  class  of  bondmen,  who  were  not  under  obligation 
as  were  all  freemen,  to  do  military  service.  The  effect  of 
this  was  to  elevate  the  condition  of  bondmen,  in  whose 
behalf  voices  had  already  been  raised  in  previous  periods, 
and  to  bring  the  whole  subject  and  institution  of  slavery 
into  the  light  of  Christianity .^ 

1  This  statute  (Mansi  Concill.  T.  XIII.  p.  1054)  forl)ids  that  any  priest  shall 
take  part  in  battle,  but  provides  that  two  or  three  bishops,  with  some  priests  to 
assist  them,  shall  accompany  the  army  to  perform  spiritual  functions. 

2  The  New  Testament  did  not  violently  abolish  slavery,  yet  represented  the 
master  and  slave  as  perfectly  equal  before  God.  Perceiving  with  more  or  less 
clearness  that  the  spirit  of  Christianity  must  transform  this  relation,  Constantine 


28  A.  D.  590 — 814.     cmurcii  polity. 

The  right  of  asylum  in  the  church  edifice  passed  over 
undiminished  to  the  new  Christian  populations,  and  was  of 
great  benefit  in  the  rude  violence  of  the  period.  The  only 
modification  was  that  rnade  by  the  wise  law  of  Charle- 
magne, in  779,  that  murderers  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
church  edifice  should  not  be  furnished  with  the  means  of 
subsistence. 


§  100. 
MONACmSM  AND  THE  CLERGY. 

Monks,  for  the  most  part,  had  carried  the  gospel  to  the 
barbaric  races,  and  had  become  their  instructors  in  all 
branches  of  civilization  and  culture.  It  was  natural  therefore 
that  monachism  should  be  held  in  high  veneration  among 
them  ;  and  all  the  more,  when  the  laborious  and  ascetic 
monks  came  into  comparison  with  a  frequently  barbarized 
clergy.  When,  moreover,  rapacious  nobles  or  violent  bishops 
laid  hands  upon  the  property  of  the  monasteries,  the  fruit 
of  the  hard  labor  of  monks,  princes  and  sometimes  bishops 
themselves,  especially  the  Roman  bishops,  gave  to  the  mon- 
asteries certain  privileges  for  their  security,  yet  not  exempt- 
ing them  from  episcopal  jurisdiction  and  oversight.  Fukia, 
the  favorite  cloister  of  Bcniface,  was  the  first  exception  in 
this  latter  respect. 

The  authority  and  influence  of  the  monks  increased  at  the 
expense  of  that  of  the  clergy,  and  not  without  great  fault  on 
the  part  of  the  latter.     In  several  countries,  particularly  in 

dccrcf'<I  tlint  llic  mnntimi'ssinn  of  >;Iav(><  within  tlui  cliunli  should  ho  Ii'^'nlly  valid, 
nnd  not  ii  few  Christiim'?  freed  their  Hlnvos  in  consequence.  C//r//>«>7'>m.  Isidore 
of  Pilnsinm,  (Hrrf/ori/  the  GrrnI,  John  Elermnminnnnx,  piitriarch  of  Alexandria 
CnO-Otfi  (see  Acta  Snnctonim,  .Ian.  T.  II.  p.  .MO).  M<trliiiH.'i  tUt'  st  iteMiian  and 
monk  (tf>f>2),  Thrfxlin'  Stiulihs  the  head  of  a  monastery  in  Constantinople  (tS2r.), 
and  others,  declared  (HstiiKtly  that  slavery  is  in  its  nature  incomjmtihle  with  the 
spirit  of  Christianity.  Compare  Noandcr  Church  Ili.story,  I.  2G7  ;  III. 
98,  sq. 


§    100.       MONACHISM    AND    THE    CLERGY.  29 

the  Frankish  empire,  the  clergy  had  lapsed  into  a  very  bar- 
barized condition  by  participation  in  war,  hunting,  and  the 
like,  and  by  reason  of  their  lack  of  education,  and  their 
unre'strained  ^yorldly  life.  Hence  the  thought  occurred  to 
some  of  the  more  excellent  of  the  bishops,  of  a  reformation 
of  the  clergy  by  some  approximation  to  the  flourishing 
monastic  system  ;  and  a  pious  bishop,  Chrodeg-ang;  of 
Mentz  (f  766),  attempted,  about  the  year  760,  to  accomplish 
what  Augustine  had  sought  to  do  in  Africa,  and  many 
Italian  and  Gallic  bishops  in  the  sixth  and  7th  centuries. 
He  sketched,  for  the  rnost  part  after  the  model  of  the  Bene- 
dictine regulations  (Ancient  Church,  §  74),  a"  code  of  rules 
( Canon,  hence  those  who  followed  it  were  Canonici)  for  his 
clergy,  which  obligated  them  to  live  in  a  common  edifice 
(monasterium),  under  the  immediate  oversight  of  a  common 
head  ;  to  partake  of  a  common  meal;  to  engage  at  certain 
hours  (horae  canonicae)  in  common  prayer  and  worship 
prolonged  far  into  the  night ;  and  to  meet,  at  stated  times, 
for  a  common  examination  of  a  portion  of  scripture  (capi- 
tulum,  hence  the  meetings  were  called  capitula),  and  for  the 
administration  of  exhortation  or  rebuke,  as  the  case  might 
require.  This  rule  of  Chrodegang,'  having  been  authorized 
as  a  whole  by  Charlemagne,  received  some  alterations,  and 
was  made  ecclesiastically  valid  for  the  Frankish  empire,  at 
the  Council  of  Aix  in  816,  and  was  then  known  under  the 
name  of  the  regula  Aquisgr  an  crisis. 

The  district  of  a  bishop  in  these  newly  Christianized  re- 
gions, was  too  extensive  to  allow  of  the  entire  prevention  of 
ecclesiastical  abuses.  Considering  the  wide  reach  of  his 
diocese,  and  the  rude,  untutored  character  of  his  church 
members,  the  official  oversight  of  the  bishop  needed  to  be 
very  watchful  and  earnest  in  every  place  ;  and  yet  the  fact 
was  not  seldom  far  otherwise.  Besides  this,  there  were 
some  abuses  which  greatly  endangered  the  good  order  of 
the  church,  and  required  an  energetic  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  bishops.     The  old  ecclesiastical  law,  that  every  cler- 


1  Found  in  M  a  n  s  i  T.  XIV.  p.  313. 


30  A.  D   590—814.     church  polity 

gyman  should  be  ordained  over  a  particular  local  church, 
and  that  no  ordinationes  ahsolutae  should  take  place,  was  of 
necessity  oftentimes  transgressed  in  the  ordination  of  mis- 
sionaries. Taking  advantage  of  this  departure  from  the 
common  rule,  unworthy  persons  were  frequently  ordained 
by  selfish  and  designing  bishops,  without  reference  to  any 
particular  charge.  They  then  wandered  about  the  country 
{clerici  vciffi),  notwithstanding  ecclesiastical  prohibition,  per- 
forming clerical  functions  from  house  to  house.  Oftentimes 
they  constituted  a  species  of  inferior  court-clergy  to  the 
Prankish  kings,  who,  partly  in  imitation  of  the  Byzantine 
emperors  and  partly  by  reason  of  their  migratory  camp-court, 
maintained  their  own  separate  ecclesiastical  establishment,  at 
the  head  of  which  stood  the  arch-chaplain  (archicapellanus). 
This  example  of  the  sovereign  was  imitated  by  the  nobles 
and  knights,  who  built  private  chapels  in  their  castles,  and 
appointed  their  own  priests.  The  consequence  of  all  this 
was,  that  a  body  of  irresponsible  clergymen  came  into  exist- 
ence, who  sought  to  make  themselves  entirely  free  from  the 
oversight  of  the  bishops,  and  whose  labors  tended  to  empty 
the  parish  churches.  For  these  and  other  reasons,  the  cus- 
tom of  episcopal  visitation,  which  had  previously  prevailed 
as  an  optional  matter,  was  made  obligatory  upon  the  bishop, 
by  the  Spanish  council  of  Brag-a,  in  572,  and  by  the  synod 
of  Cloveshove  in  747  it  was  decreed  that  the  visitation 
should  be  an  annual  one.  In  furtherance  of  the  same  ob- 
ject, the  peculiar  arrangement  of  Sends  (Send,  sy nodus) 
arose  in  the  Prankish  church.  These  were  ecclesiastical 
courts,  which  the  bishops  held  annually  in  every  town  in 
their  diocese,  for  the  purpose  of  inqiiiring  into  the  moral 
and  religious  condition  of  the  churches,  and  to  administer 
punishment,  which  was  to  some  extent  corporal,  upon  those 
who  were  found  worthy  of  it.  In  this  examination,  the  bish- 
ops were  assisted  by  seven  Deans  (Decani)  from  each  com- 
munity, whom  they  appointed  and  put  under  oath  for  this 
purpose.  In  order  to  ligiiten  the  burden  of  such  supervision, 
many  bishops  now  divided  their  dioceses  into  smaller  dis- 
tricts, which  were  placed  under  the  care  of  an  Archprcsbi/tcr, 


§    99.       FORMATION    OF    THE    PAPACY.  31 

whose  influence,  however,  was  far  from  equalling  that  of  the 
the  Archdeacon. 

Only  the  purely  episcopal  constitution  obtained  a  general 
influence  and  validity  among  these  newly  Christianized 
nations.  It  is  true  that  the  Metro2)olitan  constitution  had 
passed  over  into  the  new  churches  so  far  as  the  theory  of 
polity  was  concerned.  But  not  only  particular  political 
circumstances,  —  as,  for  example,  when  a  bishop  fell  under 
a  different  political  ruler  from  that  of  his  metropolitan,  or 
under  a  ruler  at  enmity  with  that  of  the  metropolitan,  — 
but  the  difficulty  of  adapting  the  Old-Roman  polity  to  the 
state  of  things  in  the  new  Frankish  and  German  empires, 
in  which  there  were  no  properly  metropolitan  centres,  con- 
tributed to  the  dissolution  in  many  countries  of  the  ■  metro- 
politan constitution.  In  this  manner  the  authority  and 
influence  of  the  bishop  depended  very  much  upon  his 
personal  characteristics;  and  it  was  not  without  success 
that  the  independent  Frankish  bishops  resisted  the  endeav- 
ors of  Boniface  to  restore  again  the  power  of  the  metropol- 
itan, while  at  the  same  time  his  power  would  naturally 
diminish,  in  proportion  as  the  authority  of  one  universal 
Primate  was  gradually  rising  in  the  Western  church. 


§  101. 

FORMATION  OF  THE  PAPACY. 

Liber  Diurnus  Romanornm  Pontificum  (the  legal  precedents  of  the  Ro- 
man See,  collected  about  715)  ed.  Holstein  Rom.  1658.  Liber  Pontificalis 
ss.  vitae  Romanorum  Pontiticum  a  Petro  apostolo  usque  ad  Nicol.  I.  ed.  Blanch- 
mi,  Rom.  1718-35,  also  published  in  Muratori  Rerum  Ital.  scriptt.  T.  III. 
Platina  De  vitis  pontificum  Romanorum,  Col.  1479,  Lugd.  1645.  Blonde  1 
Traite'  historique  de  la  primaute  en  I'eglise,  Geneve  1641.  Salmasius  De 
pnmatu  papae,  Lugd.  1645.  Cyprian  Uberzeugende  Belehnmg  vom  Un- 
sprung und  Wachsthum  des  Pabsthnms,  Frkf.  1735.  Walch  Entwurf  einer 
vollstandiger  Historic  der  romischen  Pahste,  G5tt.  1758.  Neh  r  Geschichte  des 
Pabstthums,  Leipzic  1801.     Bower  History  of  the   Popes,   Lond.  1750-54 


32  A.  D.  590 — 814.     church  polity. 

Maimbourg  (Papal)  Trait<5  historique  dc  1' etablissement  de  1' eglisse  de 
Rome,  1685.  Pagi  (Papal)  Broviarium  illustriora  pontiticum  gesta  complec- 
tens,  Luce.  1 724.  Katcrkamji  ( i'apal )  Ueber  den  Primal  des  Apost.  Petrus, 
Miinst.  1820.     Hussey  Tlic  Ivi»e  of  the  Papal  power,  Oxford  1851. 

We  have  already  seen  (Ancient  Church  §  71)  that  in  the 
preceding  period  the  Roman  bishops  were  succeeding,  more ' 
and  more,  in  establishing  the  primacy  of  their  church  over 
all  others,  upon  the  ground  of  the  divine  right  of  the  Apostle 
Peter  and  of  a  supposed  succession  to  his  authority,  rather 
than  upon  any  decrees  of  councils  or  imperial  statutes. 
They  were  still  more  successful,  in  this  period,  in  employing 
the  favorable  circumstances  of  the  time,  particularly  their 
own  influence  upon  the  newly  converted  German  races,  for 
the  increase  of  their  power,  and  were  aided  by  the  insight 
and  sagacity  of  both  secular  and  ecclesiastical  advocates  of 
their  claims.  Moreover,  it  seemed  as  if  the  struggle  for  the 
independence  of  the  church,  in  opposition  to  the  abuses  of 
the  civil  power,  could  be  successful  only  in  case  the  bishops, 
who  were  so  dependent  upon  the  princes,  ceased  to  work  in 
a  separate  and  individual  capacity,  and  some  one  of  their 
number,  standing  as  the  head  of  the  entire  ecclesiastical 
body,  and  prosecuting  his  own  preconceived  plan  indepen- 
dently of  the  princes,  should  engage  in  the  contest  with 
them.  Besides  this,  it  did  not  escape  even  a  careless  ob- 
server, how  very  much  was  frequently  accomplished,  in 
times  of  general  political  and  ecclesiastical  confusion,  to- 
wards the  maintenance  and  restoration  of  order,  by  the 
well-known  energy  and  wisdom  of  a  Roman  bishop,  — 
such  an  one,  for  example,  as  Gregory  the  Great,  who  stands 
at  the  entrance  of  the  ]\Iiddle  Ages :  a  man  as  mild  and 
gentle  towards  the  weak,  as  lie  was  earnest  and  severe  to- 
wards the  delinquent;  defending  with  glowing  zeal,  and 
with  full  conviction,  the  rights  of  the  Ro:nan  church  as  the 
Cathedra  Petri,  and  yet  not  disposed  to  infringe  in  the  least 
upon  the  rights  of  other  churches;  sincerely--believing  that 
the  final  guidance  of  the  whole  church  was  coniniittcd  to 
him,  and  yet  very  far,  in  the  temper  of  his  mind,  from  vain 
ambition  and  worldly  avarice.     This  energy  and  eiliciency 


§  101.       FORMATION    OF    THE    PAPACY.  33 

of  the  Roman  bishops,  coupled  with  the  ancient  reputation 
of  Rome  for  orthodoxy  in  doctrine,  which,  in  general,  was 
still  maintained  during  this  period,  could  not  fail  to  enhance 
everywhere  the  authority  of  the  Roman  church.  Still,  the 
estabhshment  of-  a  decided  supremacy  of  the  Romish 
bishops  was  contradictory  to  the  theory  and  constitution  of 
,the  church,  as  held  up  to  this  time,  and  it  was  only  gradu- 
ally and  mostly  after  the  eighth  century,  that  the  actual 
victory  of  the  former  over  the  latter  took  place,  and  a  new 
ecclesiastical  system,  that  of  the  Papacy,""  came  into  exist- 
ence, which  was  from  this  time  onward  clothed  with  the  not 
inconsiderable  secular  power  of  the  Romish  see. 

The  relations  of  the  Papacy  to  the  churches  and  govern- 
ments of  different  countries  were  quite  various. 

With  the  Greek  emperors,  who  since  554  had  regained 
dominion  over  Italy ,2  the  Roman  bishops  at  first  stood  in 
very  close  relations ;  but  the  feeble  hold  which  their  power 
had  upon  Italy,  compelled  them  to  concede  many  important 
privileges  to  the  latter,  as  the  richest  and  most  powerful 
proprietors,  and  those  who  possessed  the  greatest  influence 
over  the  people.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Roman  bishops 
regarded  themselves  as  vassals  of  the  Greek  emperors,  who 
confirmed  their  election,  to  whom,  upon  entering  upon  of- 
fice, they  sent  their  deputies  (Apocrisiarios),  and  from  whom 
they  had  to  endure  great  external  humiliation,  even  as  late 
as  the  seventh  century,  during  the  Monothelite  controversy. 
It  was  not  until  the  close  of  this  period  that  the  Roman 
bishops,  partly  upon  occasion  of  the  Image  controversy,  but 
chiefly  by  means  of  their  closer  connection  with  the  Prank- 
ish empire,  succeeded  in  emancipating  themselves  from  the 
supremacy  of  the  Greek  emperors. 

The  jealousy  between  the  patriarchs  of  Rome,  and  those 

1  The  name  papa  (TrdTras),  which  previously  had  been  given  to  all  bishops,  was 
more  and  more  confined  to  the  Eoman  patriarchs,  after  the  second  half  of  the 
sixth  century. 

2  After  the  dissolution  of  the  West-Roman  empire  in  476,  Italy  became  a 
kmgdom  of  the  Heruli  under  Odoacer  until  493,  and  then  of  the  Ostrogoths 
until  554.  * 

5 


34  A.  D.  500— Rl  \.     cwvucu  polity. 

of  Consfnntinojjle,  gradually  increased,  until,  at  length,  the 
j)oint3  of  contact  and  collision  were  removed,  by  tlio  total 
separation  of  the  Eastern  from  the  Western  church.  The 
relation  of  the  Roman  bishops  to  the  Greek  emperors  had, 
from  the  very  first,  conditioned  their  relation  to  the  Con- 
stantinopolitan  patriarchs.  In  proportion  as  the  bishops  of 
Rome  were  dependent  upon  the  Greek  emperors,  the  patri- 
archs of  Constantinople  were  the  more  unwilling  to  concede 
to  them  a  supreme  authority ;  and,  at  a  later  day,  owing  to 
the  altered  stiate  of  political  relations,  the  East  and  the 
West  were  too  far  separated  to  allow  any  inclination  upon 
the  part  of  the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  to  regard  the 
Roman  see  with  much  veneration.  At  the  beginning  of 
this  ))criod,  a  controversy  arose  respecting  the  authority  of 
each  church.  John  Jejunal  )r,  the  patriarch  of  Constantino- 
ple (585-595),  at  a  council  in  587,  had  assumed  to  himself 
the  title  of  eV/cr/coTro?  oIkovucviko^;,  a  name  which  previously 
had  been  only  occasionally  adopted  by  the  Constantinopal- 
itan  and  other  patriarchs.  In  this,  the  Roman  bishop 
Pelag-ius  11.  (578-590)  thought  he  saw  an  intention  upon 
the  part  of  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople  to  make  himself 
supreme  bishop  of  the  church  universal.  Pelagius's  protest 
against  this  was  continued  still  more  earnestly  by  Gre^i^ory 
the  Grcat^  before  the  Greek  emperor  3I(iuricins,  as  well  as 
the  patriarch  of  Constantinople  himself;  nevertheless  the 
title  was  not  given  up,  but  on  the  contrary  was  constantly 
used  by  the  see  of  Constantinople,  after  the  reign  of  the 
the  usurper  and  murderer  P/tocas  (002-610),  who  had  fa- 
favored  the  claims  of  the  Roman  see  from  political  and 
personal  considerations.  Gregory,  on  the  other  hand,  called 
himself  "  Servus  servorum  Dei,"  though  the  popes  who 
succeeded  soon  associated  with  this  appellation,  the  other 
and  more  ingenuous  title  of  universal  bishoj),  A  decision 
of  the  council  Qninscxtiun  at  Constantinople,  in  ()9'-2  (see 
§  lOG),  that  the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople  were  equal  in 

'  droj^or)'  claimed  the  supremacy  for  the  Roman  church  over  that  of  Constan- 
tinople. "  Do  Constantiiiopulitnna  ccclcsia  ijuis  cnm  duhitet  apostolicoo  sedi 
esse  suhjoctam"  ?     Epp.  IX.  12. 


§    101.       FORMATION    OF    THE    PAPACY.  35 

authority  with  those  of  Rome,  though  recognized  as  author- 
itative by  the  Oriental  church,  was  too  late  to  have  any 
effect  in  diminishing  the  authority  of  the  Roman  popes  in 
the  West. 

The  Roman  bishops  stood  in  unpleasant  relations  to  the 
Lombards,  who  had  invaded  Italy  in  568,  partly  because 
they  were  Arians,  and  partly  because  their  progress  in  Italy 
was  disadvantageous  to  the  East-Roman  empire,  with  which 
the  Roman  see  was  now  so  closely  connected.  Still,  the 
Arian  Lombards  were  inclined  to  a  certain  reverence  for  the 
Roman  bishops  as  the  successors  of  Peter,  and  after  the 
transition  of  Queen  Theodelind,  in  587,  and  her  son  King 
Adehuald  {Q)\Q)-Q'2Q)^  to  the  Catholic  church,  and  particularly 
after  the  reign  of  King  Grimoald  (f671),  the  intensity  of 
their  opposition  to  Rome  diminished,  although  it  never 
entirely  disappeared,  and  at  last  broke  forth  again  in  a  most 
violent  manner.  Of  the  other  Italian  churches,  only  that 
of  Ravenna  was  able  to  assert  its  independence,  for  some 
time  longer. 

With  the  Spanish  Church,  the  Roman  see  had  already 
come  into  connection  in  the  preceding  period.  After  the 
settlement  of  the  Arian  Goths  in  Spain,  this  connection 
was  weakened  so  far  as  extent  of  country  was  concerned  ; 
but  the  oppressed  party  of  Old-Spanish  Catholics  were  so 
much  the  more  intent  upon  keeping  up  the  connection,  and 
after  the  transition  of  the  Gothic- Spanish  King  Reccared  to 
the  Catholic  church,  in  589,  they  strengthened  and  extended 
it  once  more  to  its  original  limits.  Greg;ory  the  Great 
granted  the  pallium,  as  the  symbol  of  primacy,  to  Leander, 
bishop  of  Seville,  and  successfully  interposed  his  judicial 
authority,  in  behalf  of  two  Spanish  bishops  who  had  been 
deposed  from  office  by  a  Spanish  noble.  Afterwards,  in- 
deed, upon  a  special  occasion,  King  Witiza  (701-710)  for- 
bade any  appeal  to  the  bishop  of  Rome  ;  but  the  discussion 
thus  commenced  between  Spain  and  Rome  was  only  mo- 
mentary, owing  to  the  incursion  of  the  Saracens  which  soon 
followed  in  711,  and  which  the  pope  could  easily  represent 
as  a  judgment  of  God  seat  to  punish  an  invasion  of  eccle- 
siastical order. 


36  A.  D.  590 — 814.     chircu  polity. 

The  English  Church,  which  hnd  owed  its  origin  to  Rome, 
from  the  very  first  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  the 
Romish  see.  Frequent  pilgrimages  of  English  nobles  to 
Rome,  to  visit  the  graves  of  saints,  drew  the  tie  still  closer, 
and  in  726  In  a  king  of  Wes?cx  and  Sussex,  and  afterwards 
in  79 1  Offa  king  of  Mercia  and  East  Anglia,  levied  a  yearly 
tax  upon  the  people  for  the  support  of  an  English  founda- 
tion at  Rome.  This  afterwards  became  a  universal  tax 
throughout  England,  —  the  so-called  Denarius  Sancti  Petri 
or  Peter's  pence,  —  from  which  the  later  popes  deduced 
their  claim  to  spiritual  and  temporal  supremacy  over  the 
kingdom. 

The  connection  between  the  Roman  church  and  the 
Frankish  empire  eventually  became  a  very  close  and  impor- 
tant one.  In  the  sixth  century,  the  metropolitan  bishop  of 
Aries  obtained  the  honor  of  being  made  a  vicar  of  St. 
Peter,  at  the  instance  of  the  Frankish  kings ;  the  relation- 
ship between  the  two  parties  was  still  more  strengthened 
by  Gregory  the  Great,  who  frequently  animadverted  by  let- 
ters upon  Frankish  abuses  ;  and  lastly,  after  an  interruption 
for  a  long  time  of  the  intercourse,  it  was  completely  restored 
again  by  the  German  Boniface,  who  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
established  the  supremacy  of  the  pope  in  Germany.  The 
connection  between  Frnnee  and  Rome  now  became  so  close 
and  firm  tiiat  Pepin,  the  Frankish  mayor  of  the  palace,  jus- 
tified, before  the  people  and  his  own  conscience,  his  assump- 
tion of  the  royal  title,  and  the  deposition  in  722  of  Child- 
eric  III.,  the  last  of  the  Mcrovinn  kings,  by  the  warranty  of 
pope  Zachnrias  (741-752).  After  the  pontificate  of  Zacha- 
rias,  the  connection  became  still  more  close  and  intimate,  so 
that  it  took  the  place  of  the  old  relation  between  Rome  and 
the  Romano-Grecian  empire.  The  pope  now  acquired  a 
domain  at  the  exjiciise  of  the  Lombard  and  Greek  rulers, 
and  the  Frankish  kings  were  esta])lished  upon  their  thrtMie 
through  his  inllurnct* ;  but  the  cotmection  thus  formed  was 
destined  to  be  the  cause  of  much  collision  and  conflict  ])e- 
tween  both  church  and  state  in  the  future.  Sliphcn  II. 
(752-757),  the  successor  of  Zacharias,  was  more  and  more 


§    101.       FORMATION    OF    THE    PAPACY.  37 

oppressed  by  the  Lombard  king  Aistulph,  who  had  already 
conquered  the  Exarchate  of  Ravenna  belonging  to  the  Greek 
empire.  Since  the  East-Roman  empire  afforded  him  no 
assistance,  he  applied,  in  person,  to  Pepin,  in  754,  for  aid. 
Pepin,  who  on  this  occasion  received  unction  from  the  pope, 
forced  the  Lombards,  after  two  campaigns  in  754,  755,  to 
surrender  all  the  provmces  they  had  conquered,  and,  declaring 
that  he  had  not  fought  for  the  Greeks  but  for  the  Apostle 
Peter,  through  his  court-chaplain  laid  down  upon  the  tomb 
of  the  apostle  a  document  wherein  he  gave  over  to  the 
Roman  church  the  territories  he  had  conquered  from  the 
Lombards.  This  was  the  commencement  of  the  temporal 
power  of  the  Papacy.^  New  incursions  of  the  Lombards 
under  Besi'lerius,  led  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (772-795)  to  ask 
assistance  from  Charlemagne.  This  powerful  prince  de- 
stroyed the  Lombard  kingdom  in  744,  and  through  the 
firmer  establishment  of  the  Prankish  rule  in  Italy,  the  con- 
nection between  the  Roman  see  and  the  Frankish  empire 
assumed  a  permanent  and  well-defined  form.  Charlemagne 
confirmed  and  enlarged  the  donation  of  Pepin,  and  in  return 
received  from  the  hands  of  Leo  III  (795-816),  on  Christmas 
day,  809,  in  St.  Peter's  church  at  Rome,  the  crown  of  the 
Western  Roman  Empire.  —  From  this  time  the  last  remains 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Greek  emperors  over  the  Roman 
see  disappeared.  —  But  although  the  Roman  bishops  now 
possessed  an  acknowledged  sovereignty  within  their  own 
territory,  they  stood  unmistakably  in  a  sort  of  dependent 
relation  to  the  Frankish  empire.  Charlemagne  administered 
justice  within  the  papal  domains  as  well  as  within  his  own, 
and  through  his  commissioners  (Missi),  who  often  did  not 
hesitate  to  set  the  imperial  interests  in  open  conflict  with 
the  papal,  exercised  all  his  imperial  rights  in  the  city  of 
Rome.     Only  in  purely  ecclesiastical  matters  did  the  empe- 

^  0  r  s  i  Delia  origine  del  dominio  e  delta  sovranitJ*  degli  Rom.  Pont.  Rom. 
1754.  Sabbathier  Sur  1'  origine  de  la  puissance  temporelle  des  Rapes,  a  la 
Haye,  1765.  Becker  Ueber  den  Zeitpunkt  der  Veranderungen  in  der  Oberh. 
uber  Rom.  Ltib.  1769.  For  the  documents,  see  Codex  Carolinus  in  Cenni 
Monumenta  dominationis  pontificiae,  Rom.  1760. 


38  A.  D.  590 — 814.     church  polity. 

ror  bow  to  the  pope.  Yet,  with  all  his  reverence  for  the 
church  of  St.  Peter,  and  all  his  acknowledgment  of  the  need 
of  a  visible  unity  of  the  church,  and  of  the  many  excellences 
of  the  Roman  ecclesiastical  constitution,  Charlemagne  was 
far  from  yielding  unconditional  obedience  to  the  spiritual 
power  of  the  pope.  He  often  followed  the  counsel  of  his 
more  immediate  spiritual  advisers,  in  open  contradiction  to 
papal  principles  and  claims;  he  did  not  send  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal decisions  of  the  general  assembly  of  the  empire  to  the 
pope,  until  he  had  first  examined  and  approved  them  ;  and 
in  one  instance  convened  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal  in  refer- 
ence to  pope  Leo  III.,  which  however  rendered  no  decision, 
because  the  bishops  refused  to  pass  judgment  upon  their 
judge  (Comp.  Alcuini  Epist.  92). 


SECTION  THIRD. 
Christian  Life  and  Worship. 

§  102. 
CHRISTIAN  LIFE  AND   CULTURE. 

The  great  masses  of  population  who  now  bore  the  Chris- 
tian name,  v/ere  by  no  means  all  animated  by  the  Christian 
spirit.  On  the  contrary,  many  of  the  new  converts  still 
clung  to  their  old  pagan  vices  and  practices,  against  which 
the  system  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  external  in  its  charac- 
ter and  containing  the  germ  of  dangerous  doctrinal  errors, 
could  effect  but  little.  The  ecclesiastical  statutes  relating  to 
penance  had  passed  over  into  the  Western  churches,^  along 
with  the  ancient  system  of  polity  and  government ;  and 
many  bishops  and  synods,  —  like  Theodulph  of  Orleans 
about  the  year  800,  and  th,e  synod  of  Cloveshove  in  747 
under  the  presidency  of  Cudbert  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  the  influence  of  Boniface,  and  that  of  Chalons  in  813, — 
did  not  fail  to  direct  attention  to  the  inward  nature  of  real 
penitence,  and  to  discriminate  between  absolution  by  the 
priest  and  forgiveness  before  God.  But  the  majority  of  the 
clergy,  on  the  contrary,  imparted  to  the  penitential  discipline 
more  and  more  of  an  outward  character,  while,  at  the  same 
time,  the  new  relations  that  were  forming  among  the  recently 


1  Theodore  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a  Greek  by  birth  (t690),  made  them 
known  at  the  West  by  collecting  them  in  his  Poenitentiale  (lib.  poeuitentialis). 
Compare  Wasserschleben  Die  Buszordnungen  der  abeudlsindischen  Kirche. 
Halle,  1851. 


40      A.  D.  590 — 814.     christian  life  and  wouship. 

Christianized  nations  operated  injuriously  upon  the  sliaping 
of  the  theory  of  penance.  As  fines  were  very  common 
among  these  populations,  a  jiecuniary  mulct  was  introduced 
into  the  discipline  of  the  church,  sometimes  taking  the  place 
of  other  species  of  penance,  and  sometimes  connected  with 
them.  This,  at  first,  had  for  its  object  the  ransom  of  cap- 
tives, or  the  support  of  the  poor,  and  was  not  intended  to 
minister  to  self-indulgence,  or  to  the  notion  that  the  forgive- 
ness of  sins  could  be  obtained  by  money.  But  the  rude 
condition  of  the  people,  or  the  unfitness  of  many  of  the 
clergy  for  their  office,  occasioned  misconceptions,  from 
which  sprang  the  theory  of  indulgence,  afterwards  so  demor- 
alizing; so  that  the  synod  of  Clovesliove,  as  early  as  the  year 
749,  were  called  upon  to  combat  the  blasphemous  notion 
that  rich  men  could  compound  for  their  sins  with  money. 

A  merely  outward  profession  of  Christianity,  under  such 
circumstances,  could  contribute  little  towards  the  promotion 
of  Christian  educaiion.  Boniface  only  required  of  godchil- 
dren, that  they  should  commit  to  memory  tlie  Apostles'  Creed 
and  the  Lord's  Prayer ;  and  the  misuse  of  the  Scriptures,  in 
opening  them  at  random,  particularly  at  the  tombs  of  saints, 
and  selecting  a  passage  to  be  taken  as  an  oracle,  was  not 
adapted  to  check  the  growing  religious  ignorance.  This 
custom,  Cliarlcmd^nc^  after  the  example  of  previous  synods, 
felt  bound  to  forbid.'  It  soon  became  a  pressing  necessity 
of  the  church  to  provide  the  means  of  a  general  Christian 
education.  The  attempt  was  made  to  meet  this  necessity  by 
some  single  enterprising  synods,  and  excellent  bishops,  —  as, 
for  example,  the  English  synod  of  Clovesliove  in  747,  the  syn- 
ods of  Maj/eucc,  Aries,  and  C/tnlon  in  813,  the  canonical  rule 
of  ClirodcganiT  (§  100),  the  pastoral  letter  of  Tlieoduljih  bishop 
of  Orleans  (1821),  and  the  efforts  of  Alcuin  and  others  at  the 
court  of  Charlemagne.  The  first-mentioned  synod  enjoined 
upon  bishops  to  preach  the  word  in  their  diocesan  visitation  ; 
and  upon  both  bishops  and  abbots  to  provide'fpr  the  instruc- 
tion of  children  at  school  in  the  Scriptures.    The  synod  of 

'  lie  ordered  in  the  third  rnpitulary  of  the  ycnr  789,  "  ut  imllus  in  psaltcrio, 
vel  in  evnngelio,  vel  in  nliis  rebus  sortir.'  iir:i.-,mii.it." 


§    102.       CHRISTIAN    LIFE    AND    CULTURE.  41 

Mayence  ordered  that  upon  Sundays  and  festival  days 
there  should  be  preaching  in  the  vernacular  language,  in  a 
plain  manner  intelligible  to  all.  The  synod  of  Aries  made 
preaching  obligatory  upon  all  priests ;  and  that  of  Chalons 
urged  the  founding  of  Christian  schools,  together  with  bib- 
lical exposition  and  preaching.  Theodulph,  in  his  pastoral 
letter,  insisted  upon  frequent  and  careful  discourse  from  the 
Scriptures ;  and  in  case  this  were  not  possible,  upon  some 
plain  point  in  practical  morality.  Chrodegang's  rule  re- 
quired preaching  from  a  text  of  scripture,  at  least  as  often 
as  twice  in  each  month,  in  case  it  could  not  be  done  upon 
every  Sunday  and  festival  day ;  and  Alcuin,  in  a  letter  to 
Charlemange  (Ep.  124),  urges  that  not  the  bishops  only,  but 
the  priests  and  deacons  also,  should  preach.  Yet,  too  many 
of  the  clergy  were  wanting  in  the  right  spirit,  and  intelli- 
gence, for  the  discharge  of  these  duties  i ;  and  even  the 
enlightened  zeal  and  energy  of  Charlemagne  (§  97)  met 
with  only  a  partial  success  in  removing  the  evil.  Following 
Alcuin's  counsel  (Epist.  9,  59,  124,  193),  the  emperor  made 
special  efforts  to  promote  the  study  of  the  Bible  among  the 
clergy,  and  devoted  much  attention  to  the  revision  of  the 
Latin  translations  of  the  Scriptures,  which  had  become  very 
corrupt  owing  to  the  barbarism  of  the  time.  Under  his 
direction,  also,  Paul  Warnefried  (Paulus  Diaconns-^  f  799), 
a  learned  ecclesiastic  of  his  court,  trained  in  the  abbey 
of  Monte  Cassino,  made  a  collection  of  sermons  for  every 
Sunday  and  festival . day  in  the  year,  from  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers  —  chiefly  Augustine  and  Gregory  the  Great.^ 

1  The  Cloveshovc  synod  was  content  with  requiring  from  the  ordinary  clergy, 
that  th.ey  should  translate  and  explain  in  the  vernacular,  the  Apostles'  Creed,  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  and  the  Liturgy ;  and  Boniface  himself  was  satisfied  with  their 
putting  the  formula  of  renunciation  at  baptism  and  of  confession  of  sins,  in  the 
vernacular  tongue. 

2  The  author  of  a  work  in  six  books,  Dc  gpstis  Lonjobardorum,  extending  to 
744. 

^  This  Homilarium,  published  under  Charlemagne's  authority,  contributed  to 
the  general  diffusion  of  that  arrangement  of  biblical  texts  and  lessons  which 
prevailed  in  the  Koman  church 


42       A.  D.  090 — 814.     christian  life  and  mousiiip. 

§  103. 
CHRISTIAN  WORSHIP. 

No  object  was  regarded  of  more  importance  by  Cliarle- 
mag-nc,  than  the  transformation  of  the  rude  worship  of  \hc 
church,  in  all  its  parts,  and  prirticularly  of  church  nuisic.^ 
Gregory  tlie  Great  had  alrt'ady  j):ived  the  way  for  this  lat- 
ter. The  beautiful  Ambrosian  psalmody,  with  its  melodious 
movement,  rythmical  intonation,  and  anti phonies,  had  been 
carried  to  an  extreme,  and  become  secularized.  Gregory 
the  Great  substituted,  in  the  place  of  it,  the  so-called  can- 
tus  Romanus,  or  cantus  firmns,  which  did  not  permit  of  the 
Ambrosian  clearness  and  animation,  nor  the  responses  of  the 
congregation  ;  but,  without  rythm  or  beat,  moved  along  with 
a  slow,  simple,  solemn,  and  uniform  monotony,  like  monkish 
recitative,  only  with  richer  modulations,  and  a  more  elabo- 
rate art.  At  the  same  time,  he  took  it  from  the  congrega- 
tion, and  gave  it  over,  in  priestly  exclusiveness,  to  a  well- 
trained  choir  of  clerical  singers  (hence  cantus  choralis, 
choral),  for  whose  training  he  founded  the  first  school  for 
ecclesiastical  music  at  Rome.  Gregory's  inllnence  had 
given  currency  to  this  species  of  psalmody,  in  one  part  of 
the  West;  and  now  the  zeal  of  Charlemagne  caused  it  to 
be  introduced  throughout  nearly  all  western  Christendom. 
The  emperor  brought  singers  from  Rome,  and  founded  mu- 
sical schools  first  at  Mentz  and  Soissons,  and  afterwards  at 
Orleans,  Lyons,  and  Paris,  which  were  devoted  exclusively 
to  th<'  teaching  and  cultivation  of  the  Gregorian  chant.  He 
adoi)teil  stringent  measures  to  preserve  this  music  in  its 
purity,  and  punished  every  deviation  and  corruption  with 
imprisonment  and  exile.a  Nevertheless,  all  this  strictness 
did  not  prcvrnt  tlu;  cantus  finnus,  tlumgh  supported  by  the 

'  'I'lii'  sin;,'in;;  iii  iiic  »nTMinn  rhuri'lioH,  iii  iniriiciilar,  n'seiiil>li-<l  tho  liowltng 
of  wild  l>faM«  ;  nnil  in  Fmncc  it  wiw  not  niiu  h  U'ltcr. 

*  At  Milan,  ho  causi-il  ull  the  rumuining  <-o|titts  of  tlio  Atnhrosiiui  chant  to  Ihj 
bought  up  and  dentroycd. 


A.  D.  590 — 814.     CHRISTIAN  life  and  worship.        43 

organ,^  which  had  recently  been  invented,  from  falling  into 
disuse. 

Charlemagne's  zeal  for  nmsic,  although  against  his  inten- 
tion and  wish,  brought  an  element  with  it  that  was  preju- 
dicial to  culture.  The  Latin  language  had  already  been 
introduced  into  the  public  worship  of  most  of  the  Western 
Churches;  because,  first,  in  many  of  the  great  tow^ns  it  was 
better  understood  than  the  .native  language ;  secondly,  it 
was  the  language  of  the  missionaries,  and,  lastly,  the  lan- 
guage of  the  recently  converted  races  was  thought  to  be  too 
rude  to  be  employed  in  the  service  of  Christ.  Charlemagne 
endeavored,  in  various  ways,  to  promote  the  employment 
of  the  native  tongue  in  public  worship ;  ^  but  the  establish- 
ment of  schools  for  singing,  by  Roman  teachers,  contrib- 
uted to  render  the  use  of  the  Latin  language  more  and 
more  indispensable  in  public  worship.  The  Latin  liturgy 
necessarily  hindered  a  spiritual  v\^orship  in  the  people  who 
did  not  understand  it,  and  thus  superstition  could  more 
easily  take  root. 

1  The  use  of  the  organ  in  church  music,  began  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  century.  It  was  introduced  into  the  French  church  from  the  East, 
though  it  was  never  used  in  the  preek  church.  In  757,  the  emperor  Constan- 
tinus  Copronymus  made  a  present  of  one  to  Pipin ;  and  again  in  787,  Con- 
stantine  Michael  sent  a  second  to  Charlemagne.  The  organ  was  better  adapted 
to  the  Gregorian  music,  than  to  the  Ambrosian.  Its  invention  was  attributed 
to  a  holy  monk,  who,  according  to  the  legend,  was  permitted  to  hear  the  song 
of  the  angels.  From  France,  the  use  of  the  organ  spread  generally  through 
the  Western  church.     Lev»is  the  Pious  introduced  it  at  Aix  laChapeile  in  822. 

The  invention  of  the  organ  cannot,  however,  be  regarded  as  dating  from  the 
Sth  century,  or  as  having  originated  in  the  Greek  church.  Tcrtullian  (De 
Anima,  c.  14)  attributes  the  invention  of  the  water-organ  {hydraulus)  to 
Archimedes  (t  B.C.  212).  Vitruvius  and  Pliny  attribute  it  to  Ctesebus  of  Al- 
exandria, about  120  B.C.;  and  according  to  Suetonius  (Vit.  Neronis,  c.  41), 
Nero  amused  himself  with  such  music.  The  wind-organ  was  in  existence  in 
the  time  of  Augustine  (In  Psal.  5G) ;  and,  according  to  Cassiodorus  (In  Psal. 
1.50),  the  organ  was  in  his  day  constructed  wiih  rows  of  pipes,  tier  al)ove  tier. 
Muller:  Sendsehr.  von  Orgeln.  1718;  Ciietsandek  :  Historiche  Nachricht. 
1755. 

2  In  a  capitulary  issued  at  Frankfort,  he  ordered  "  ut  nullus  credad,  quod 
nonnisi  in  tribus  Unguis  deus  orandus  sit,  quia  in  omni  lingua  deus  adoratur, 
et  homo  exauditur,  si  justa  petierit." 


44         A.  D.  590 — S14.     chiustian  life  and  wo:?ship. 

This  superstitious  tendency  appeared  specially  in  the 
administration  of  the  sacraniuiit  of  the  LorcVs  Supper.  In 
the  j)reccding  period,  the  notion  had  been  forming  niore  and 
more  that  this  sacrament  is  a  sacrificial  act  of  the  priest, 
and  an  oblatio  pro  mortuis.  This  view  now  became  still 
more  general ;  and  Gregory  the  Great,  in  particular,  who 
definitely  fixed  the  ductrine  of  a  sacrifice  in  the  supper,  gave 
practical  currency  to  it,  by  imaginative  and  fanciful  descrip- 
tions of  its  nature  and  eiiicacy.'  From  this  time  onward,  a 
power  was  ascribed  to  the  sacrament  of  the  supper  1o  deliver 
the  souls  of  those  who  had  died  in  an  imperfect  condition, 
from  the  purifying  punishment  of  the  ignis  purgatorius '-  ; 
and  in  the  eighth  century,  private  masses  (missae  privatae  sc. 
solitariae)  came  into  use,  offered  by  the  officiating  priest 
alone  by  himself,  and  with  a  prevalent  reference  to  the  doe- 
trine  of  purgatorial  fire.  Nevertheless,  as  late  as  the  ninth 
century,  bishops  like  Tlieodvlpfi,  and  synods  like  that  of 
Mayence  in  813,  declared  against  the  latter  practice,  and 
exhorted  the  laity  to  a  more  frequent  participation  in  the 
communion. 

The  veneration  of  saints,  and  of  their  reliques,  in  this 
period,  when  so  much  of  heathenism  was  concealed  under 
a  Christian  garb,  assumed  more  and  more  the  character  of 
extreme    superstition.     Gregory  bishop    of   Tours    (f  595), 

'  The  present  Roman  Catholic  liturgy  for  the  sacrament,  the  mass  service,  takes 
its  ori;xin  from  hira. 

2  The  doctrine  of  a  puri^atorial  fire  took  the  place  of  the  doctrine,  previously 
held,  of  a  Hades  or  intermciliate  place  of  unhappiness,  in  which  souls  that  hud 
not  tnily  Inlieved  in  Christ,  were  believed  to  be  kept  till  the  day  of  jud^nnent. 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (Catecheses  XV.  21)  defends  the  doctrine  of  a  pur;,'atorial 
fire  ;  and  Auj^ustine  (l)e  Civitatc  Dei  XX.  2."))  finds  it  in  the  desciipiion  of  tho 
last  judi;ment  by  tho  projdiet  Malachi  (Mai.  iii.  1-6).  Rut  he  confinrs  it  to  the 
riffhteotis :  the  purjjation  beinp  intcndfd  to  complete  the  work  of  (jracc,  and 
cleanse  nway  the  liu^t  remain-*  of  indwcl!in;j  cornjption.  In  tin;  thirteenth  chap- 
ter of  tho  tA*'enty-first  book  of  the  l)c  Civitate,  Au;:ustinc  combats  the  ihxtrine  of 
those  "qui  pulant,  crimino.-iis  supplicin  po^t  mortem  causa  purpationis  adhilieri." 
Grcj,'6ry  the  Great  (Dial.  IV.  49)  describes  the  j)ur>:atorial  stJitc  «s  the  place  of 
those  who  have  l)ecome,  while  npon  cnrth,  ca|)able  of  the  heavenly  blessedness, 
but  who  have  deceased  with  imperfection  cleavinjj  to  them.  —  Compare  the  ac- 
count frivcn  of  the  intermediate  state,  and  of  n  prcpanitorj'  cleansinj;,  in  the 
"  Vision  of  one  from  the  dead  "  related  by  IJede,  Eccl.  History  V.  12.     Tbaks. 


§    103.       CHRISTIAN    WORSHIP.  45 

nearly  two  centuries  after  the  death  of  his  predecessor  Mar- 
tin (Ancient  Church  §  68),  testified  to  wonderful  cures  still 
performed  at  his  tomb  ;  and  the  belief  of  the  church  in  the 
continuance  of  miraculous  agencies,  steadily  became  more 
credulous,  and  undiscriminating.  Nevertheless,  Charle- 
magne, in  the  year  794,  published  a  capitulary,  in  opposi- 
tion to  an  immoderate  multiplication  of  the  number  of 
saints,  and  their  miracle-chapels ;  and  also,  in  opposition  to 
an  excessive  estimate  of  pilgrimages  to  holy  places,  many 
enlightened  voices  were  raised,  like  those  of  Alcuin,  Theo- 
dulph,  and  the  Council  of  Chalons  in  813.  In  the  Greek 
church,  the  Sunday  succeeding  Pentecost  had  long  been 
observed  as  the  Feast  of  All  Blartijrs ;  in  the  Western 
church,  .the  gift,  by  the  Greek  emperor  Phocas  to*  the  Ro- 
man bishop  Boniface  IV.,  of  the  Roman  Pantheon,  to  be 
the  church  of  Mary  and  All  Saints,  now  gave  occasion  for 
establishing  the  Feast  of  All  Saints,  which  was  observed  on 
Nov.  1. 

In  harmony  with  this  tendency  to  saint  worship,  the 
churches  now  vied  with  each  other  in  lauding  the  Virgin 
Mary.  In  the  fifth  century,  the  Feast  of  the  Annunciation 
(Lady  Day'),  commemorative  of  the  angelic  gi-eeting 
(Luke  i.  26,  19)  began  to  be  observed  ;  at  first  at  different 
times,  and  afterwards  uniformly  upon  the  25  :h  of  March,  in 
order  to  bring  it  into  natural  connection  with  Chri^^tmas, 
which  was  now  observed  on  the  25 ih  of  December.  In  the 
sixth  century,  the  Feast  of  the  Purifxation  (Candlemas, 
Feb,  2)  was  established  in  the  West,  with  allusion  to  Luke 
ii.  22.  This  festival  corresponded  to  one  already  in  exist- 
ence in  the  Eastern  church,  —  the  festum  occursus,  eoprr)  Tri<i 
vTrdurrj^,  —  which  was  commemorative  of  the  presentation 
of  the  infant  Christ  in  the  temple  (Luke  ii.  25,  29).  To 
these  two  principal  festivals  relating  to  Mary,  a  third  was 
now  added,  the  Feast  of  the  Assuinption  (Aug.  15),  founded 
upon  the  legend  that  when  Mary  lay  upon  her  death-bed, 
Christ  with  his  angels  appeared,  and  committed  her  soul  to 

^  Bernard  styles  it,  radix  omnium  festorum. 


46       A.  D.  590 — 814.     christian  life  and  worship. 

the  archangel  Gabriel,  and  took  her  body  away  in  a  cloud 
(Gregory  of  Tours,  De  gloria  martyrum  I.  4).  The  Feast 
of  llie  Nativity  of  Alary  (Sept.  8),  we  find  in  the  Eastern 
church  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  ;  but  not  in 
the  Western  until  later.  The  establishment  of  these  festi- 
vals was  the  fertile  root  of  the  rapidly-growing  Mariolatry 
that  nnarks  the  history  of  the  Mediaeval  Church. 

There  were  other  festivals,  which  had  an  origin  before 
this  period,  but  which  did  not  until  now  obtain  a  universal 
prevalence.  Michaelmas,  or  the  feast  of  the  angels,  was 
observed  on  the  29rh  of  September,  in  commemoration  of  the 
communion  between  the  church  militant  and  the  angelic 
world  enlisted  in  their  behalf.  The  Feast  of  the  Advent,  to 
commemorate  the  future  coming  of  Christ,  was  observed 
in  connection  with  Christmas  ;  and  the  emperor  Ilerodius 
established  the  Feast  of  the  Elevation  of  the  Cross  —  festum 
exaltationis  (Sept.  11)  —  in  memory  of  the  recovery  of  the 
cross  from  the  Persians,  and  its  restoration  to  Jerusalem. 


SECTION  FOURTH. 
History    of    Doctrine. 

CHAPTER  FIRST. 

THEOLOGY    AND    CONTROVERSIES. 

§    104. 
THEOLOGY  IN  THE  WEST. 

The  Occidental  theology,  at  the  beginning  of  this  period, 
was  concentrated  in  the  great  Roman  bishop  Gregory  L, 
who  stands  at  the  mid  point  between  the  declining  Chris- 
tianity of  the  Roman  world,  and  the  rising  Christianity  of 
the  Germanic  races.  Gregory  the  Great  ^  was  born  at 
Rome,  about  540,  of  a  senatorial  family,  and  received  an 
education  in  accordance  with  his  birth  and  position.  First 
a  praetor  at  Rome,  he  became  a  monk  in  his  fortieth  year, 
in  one  of  the  six  cloisters  which  he  had  himself  founded. 
He  was  then  made  one  of  the  seven  deacons  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  by  Pelagius  II.,  who  also  sent  him  to  Constanti- 
nople as  his  deputy.  Afterwards,  he  became  the  abbot  of 
his  cloister,  and  finally  bishop  of  Rome  in  590,  where  he 
died  in  604.  Distinguished  for  a  sagacious  and  energetic 
administration  of  his  high  office,  as  well  as  for  learning, 
sincere  piety,  and  success  in  his  pastoral  labors,  Gregory 
concludes  the  series  of  those  church  teachers  who  are  espe- 

^Paulus  Warncfridus(t  799)  De  rita  S.  Gregorii  Papae  ;  Johannes 
Diaconus  (875)  Vita  S.  Gregorii  (lioth  contained  in  the  Benedictine  edition 
of  Gregory's  Works)  ;  Neander  Church  History  HI.  141  sq. ;  Lau  Gregor 
I.  der  Groze;  Bohringer  Die  Kirche  Christi  Bd.  I.  Abth.  6  ;  Wiggers  De 
Greg,  magni  ejusque  placitis  anthropol.  comm. 


49  A.  J).  o90 — 814.     Hisronv  of  DocTiuNt:. 

cially  denominated  the  Church  Fathers.  Through  his  wtI- 
tings,  he  exerted  a  great,  yet  not  in  every  respect  salutary, 
influence  u])on  the  faith  and  sentiments  of  the  whole 
Western  church.  A"  a  theologian,  formed  by  the  study  of 
Augustine,  he  not  only  transmitted  into  succeeding  centu- 
ries the  August inian  doctrine  of  grace  in  its  milder  and 
more  unspcculative  form,  but  also  propagated  both  of  the 
two  tendencies  that  appear  in  Augustine  :  the  inward  and 
profoundly  Christian,  and  the  more  outward,  sensuous,  and 
ecclesiastical.  He  occasioned  the  development  of  such  sen- 
suous features  in  mediaeval  Catholicism  as  the  offering  of 
the  mass,  and  the  doctrine  of  purgatory;  and  by  his  treat- 
ment of  the  sacraments,  as  well  as  his  views  of  continued 
miraculous  power  in  the  church,  nourished  the  growing 
superstition  of  the  age.  xU  the  same  time,  he  always  sub- 
ordinated the  external  miracle  to  the  inward  imparting  of 
Divine  grace,  and,  in  opposition  to  the  notion  of  an  opus 
opcratum,  insisted  with  earnestness  and  energy  upon  a  mor- 
ality that  rests  upon  a  living  faith.  He  exerted  a  similar 
influence  upon  the  future,  by  his  theological  and  practical 
labors.  As  a  bishop,  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  devote  the 
most  careful  attention  to  the  external  affairs  of  the  church  ; 
yet  he  regarded  the  immediately  spiritual  ptirt  of  his  calling 
as  the  most  imi)ortant,  and  took  most  pleasure  in  it ;  and 
although  he  was  deeply  interested  in  the  liturgical  and  lyri- 
cal parts  of  worship  (Comp.  §  103),  still  he  regarded  preach- 
ing and  the  instruction  of  ihe  people  in  the  scriptures,  as 
one  of  tlie  most  important  duties  of  a  priest  (Epp.  I.  23). 
He  urged  upon  the  clergy  the  importance  and  the  duty  of 
close  study.  At  the  same  time  he  required  that  it  should 
be  only  sacred  study,  —  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures 
(Comp.  In  Ezech.  hom.  II.  lib.  11.;  Kpp.  IV.  51),  — de- 
nouncing,  particularly,  in  one  instance,  the  study  of  gram- 
mar and  the  ancient  classics  under  the  tuition  of  a  bishop 
(Kpp.  IX.  5-4).  Of  all  these  theological  and  practical  la- 
bors of  Gregory,  his  own  writings'  give  a  dear  and  vivid 
picture. 

'  There  lire  cxtaiit :  The  Moralium  st've  cxjw.iitionum  in  Jolmm  Ulri  A'A'AT. ; 


*  §  104.       THEOLOGY    IN    THE    WEST.  49 

After  the  age  of  Gregory,  and  during  the  various  storms 
and  distractions  that  occurred  in  the  West,  genuine  theolog- 
ical culture,  for  which  the  newly-converted  populations  were 
unripe,  naturally  became  more  rare ;  and  it  was  only  in 
particular  countries,  as  Ireland,  England,  Spain,  Italy,  and 
France  that  the  seeds  of  theological  science  were  preserved, 
and  the  remainders  of  the  old  theology  were  propagated.^ 

The  Irish  cloisters  were  resorts  for  the  study  of  the  Bible, 
and  the  Church  Fathers,  and  at  a  later  day  became  the 
seminaries  whence  issued  the  speculative  and  dialectical 
tendency  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  scholastic. 

England  owed  its  theological  science  to  intercourse  with 
Ireland,-^  and  also  to  a  zealous  propagator  of  Grecian  learn- 
ing, the  Cilician  monk  Theodorus,^  appointed  by  papal 
authority  archbishop  of  Canterbury  (f  690).  Still  more  was 
due  to  the  influence  of  Bedci'^  justly  called  the  Venerable 
(f  735),  the  most  learned  man  of  his  age,  a  presbyter  and 
monk  in  the  united  cloister  of  Peter  and  Paul  at  Wear- 
mouth  and  Yarrow  in  Northumberland,  who,  by  his  impor- 
tant writings,5  and  numerous  pupils  who  enjoyed  an  intimate 
intercourse  with  him,  contributed  greatly  to  the  spread  of 

twenty-two  Homilies  upon  Ezeldel ;  forty  Homilies  upon  the  Gospels ;  Regula 

pastoralis,  sive  liber  pastoralis  curae  (a  treatise  upon  pastoral  theology  for  the 
clergymen  of  his  day) ;  Dialogoruin  cle  vita  et  miraculis  patrum  ital.  et  de  aeternitate 
animarum  libri  IV.;  Epistolarum  libri  XIV.  (Ep.  I.  25  contains  the  confession  of 
faith  which  he  sent  to  the  other  patriarchs,  on  his  taking  the  episcopal  oilice); 
Liber  sacramentorum  (containing  the  office  of  the  mass)  ;  and  Liber  antiphonarius 
(containing  the  psalmody  of  th^  mass).  Six  books  of  Expositions  upon  1  Ivings, 
attributed  to  Gregory,  are  spurious.  —  The  principal  editions  are  the  following  ; 
Opera  Gregorii  Ed.  Goussainville,  Par.  1685  ;  Benedictine  Ed.  in  three  volumes, 
Par.  1705;   Opera  Gregorii  Ed.  Galliccioli,  Ven.  1768-76,  17  vols,  folio. 

1  Mostly  by  dogmatic  selections  from  the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  particularly 
Augustine  and  Gregory  the  Great,  under  the  title  of  Libri  sentcntiarum. 

2  Murray  De  Britannia  atque  Hibernia  saeculis  a  sexto  inde  ad  decimum 
litcrarum  domicilio  (in  the  Novi  Common tarii  Soc.  Gotting.  I.  72). 

3  See  Bede's  account  of  him,  in  Hist.  eccl.  lib.  IV.  V. 

*  Unwearied  in  his  labors  to  the  last,  he  died  surrounded  by  his  pupils,  -syith 
the  words  of  the  doxology,  Gloria  Patri,  Filio  et  Spiritui  Sancto,  upon  his  lips. 
His  biograpiiy  was  written  by  his  pupil  Cuthbert.  —  Vita  Bedae  Vener.     Com-  ' 
pare  G  e  h  1  e,  De  Bedae  Vener.  \Tita  et  scriptis.  Lugd  18.38. 

Besides  grammatical,  mathematical,  physical,  and  various  other  treatises, 
together  with  Letters,  we  have  from  Bede  commentaries  upon  almost  the  whole 

7 


oO  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

thoological  culture.  And  Bede  was  followed  by  Alcuin 
(t  ^^04),  a  man  of  devout  piety  and  scientific  insight,  at  first 
a  pupil  and  afterwards  the  head  of  a  cloister-school  at 
York,  but  who  sj)ent  the  latter  part  of  his  life  chiefly  in  the 
Prankish  kingdom,  whither  he  had  been  urgently  invited 
by  Charlemagne  to  take  charge  of  literary  and  educational 
interests.i 

In  the  Spanish  church  the  learned  Isidore  (f  636),  bishop 
of  Seville,  labored  for  the  promotion  of  theological  science ; 
and  the  results  of  his  endeavors  were  apparent  as  late  as  the 
Saracen  rule  in  Spain  in  the  eighth  century.^  In  Ildli/,  the 
remains  of  the  theological  learning  of  the  earlier  period  still 
existed. 

All  these  scattered  elements  of  culture,  Charlemag-ne  — 
a  man  who  could  speak  the  Latin  language  and  read  the 
Greek,  but  whose  hand,  accustomed  to  the  strong  grasp  of 
the  sword,  with  difficulty  formed  letters  with  the  pen  — 
sought  to  combine  into  a  great  comprehensive  system  for 
the  advantage  of  the  Prankish  church.^     Among  the  learned 

Bililc,  a  translation  of  the  Gospel  of  John  into  Anglo-Saxon,  made  in  the  four- 
teen days  preceding  his  death,  sermons,  and  historical  writings.  To  the  latter, 
!)elong  his  History  of  the  Worlil,  and  his  very  interesting  Ecclesiastical  History  : 
Historiac  erclesiasticae  gentis  Anglonim  lihb.  V.  Smith  Canmhr.  1722;  of  which 
a  translation  has  l>ecn  published  by  Bohn,  London,  1849.  Opera  Bedae  Bas. 
1563;  Cologne,  1681. 

•  Alcuin  accepted  the  invitation  to  the  court  of  Charlemagne  in  782  ;  in  790 
he  returned  to  England  and  spent  two  years  there  ;  R'tuming  in  792,  he  became 
abbot  of  Tours  in  796,  which  office  he  resigned  in  801,  and  si)ent  the  remaining 
three  years  of  his  life  in  private  study  and  meditation.  Besides  gnunmntical, 
rhetorical,  and  philosojiliical  writings,  Alcuin  has  left  some  dogmatic  writings 
respecting  the  Trinity  (l)e  fide  sanctae  ct  imlividuae  trinitatis),  and  against  the 
Adoption  theory,  togetlier  with  others  of  an  e.xegetical  and  biographical  nature ; 
and  also  two  hundred  and  thirtA'-two  Letters.  OfxTa  ed.  Quercefanus,  Par.  161  7  ; 
Frol)enius  Hatisb.  1777.  For  his  l)iography  sec  Openi ;  Acta  Sanctorum  ;  and 
Lorcnz  Alkuins  Ia-Ik-mi.  Halle,  1829. 

'  The  most  imjM)rtaiit  of  the  many  writings  of  Isidore,  are  :  A  liturgicjil 
work,  l)e  ecclesiiu-iticis  ofliciis  libb.  II. ;  an  extensive  ctymolofical  and  encyclo- 
piiedical  work,  Originuin  sivc  Etymologiarum  cmlex  libb.  XX.  ;  a  manual  in 
dogmatics  and  ethics,  lil)b.  III.  sententiarum  (chiefly  a  fselct'tion  from  the  Fathers, 
particularly  Augustine  and  Gregory  the  Great)  ;  a  continuation  of  the  Catalogue 
of  ecclesiastical  writers  by  Jerome  and  Gennadius  ;  and  a  Ilistoria  Gothorum, 
Vandalonim,  Suevorum.     0|K«m,  Home.  1797. 

'  L  a  u  n  o  j  i  Do  echolis  a  Curolo  Magno  instauraiis,  Pur.  IG72  ;  Van  He  r- 


§   105.       THEOLOGY    IN    THE    EAST.  51 

theologians  whom  he  drew  to  his  court  for  this  purpose, 
from  Ireland,  England,  Spain,  and  Italy,  the  most  distin- 
gushed  was  Alcuin,  his  principal  adviser  and  minister  of 
public  instruction.  Under  the  superintendence  of  Alcuin, 
the  Vulgate  version  of  the  Scriptures  was  corrected  and 
revised  for  popular  use,  a  school  for  the  higher  ranks  was 
established  at  the  court  (schola  Palatina),  and  cathedral  or 
cloister  schools  were  founded  throughout  the  kingdom  in 
which  the  seven  liberal  sciences  —  the  trivium  (grammar, 
logic,  rhetoric),  and  quadrivium  (music,  arithmetic,  geom- 
etry, astronomy) — were  taught.  Of  three  schools,  the 
most  celebrated  were  those  of  Troyes,  Ferrieres,  and  partic- 
ularly Tours.  Alcuin  retired  from  public  life  in  801,  and 
his  plans  were  carried  out  by  his  pupils,  E^inhard  (f  844) 
and  Paul  Warnefrid  (see  §  102). 


§  105. 
THEOLOGY  IN  THE  EAST. 

More  learning  had  come  down  from  the  preceding  periods, 
and  been  preserved,  in  the  Greek  church,  than  in  the  West- 
ern ;  but  the  animating  life,  and  free  developem'ent  of  truth, 
had  been  interrupted  by  political  and  ecclesiastical  despot- 
ism during  the  long  and  tedious  controversy,  and  only  a 
dry  pedantry  remained. 

In  Exegesis,  little  more  was  done  than  to  collect  and 
arrange  the  expositions  of  the  preceding  Greek  Fathers,  — 
the  basis  of  the  subsequent  Catenae^  well  called  so,  as  they 
were  chains  in  which  a  fettered  exegesis  of  Scripture  walked 
about. 

In  Dogmatic  Theology,  the  Monophysite  controversy, 
even  more  subtile  in  this  period  than  in  the  preceding,  had 

werden  Comm.  de  iis  quae  a  Car.  Mag.  ad  propag.  etc.  L.  B.  1825  ;  Lo- 
rentz  De  Car.  Mag.  literar.  fiiutore,  Hal.  1828. 

1  Compare  Noesselt  De  catenis  patrum  Graecorum  in  N.  T.     Hal.  1762. 


52  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

elicited  a  dialectic  tendency  which  was  strengthened  by  the 
study  of  the  Aristotfliaii  philosophy.  Its  reprL'seiitative  was 
the  distinguished  monk  John  Damascene  (f  760),  a  jiresbyter 
at  Jerusalem,  who,  according  to  one  account,  had  been  a 
treasurer  at  the  court  of  the  Caliph  AI  Mansur.  His  work, 
entitled,  "E/cSocrt?  uKpi^t]^  t?}?  op^oho^ov  7rt'crTe(u<?,  became,  and 
still  is,  the  principal  dogmatic  manual  for  the  Greek  church, 
and  with  it  the  great  body  of  Gretk  doctrinal  literature 
concludes.'  Parallel  with  this  dialectic  tendency,  a  contcm- 
plative-inystical  tendency  sprang  up  out  of  a  mixture  of 
Platonic  with  Christian  ideas,  which  imperilled  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  gospel  by  its  transcendental  intuitions  and 
bombastic  modes  of  expression,  and  led  the  mind  away 
from  biblical,  practical  Christianity,  to  an  empty  idealism, 
that  kept  up  its  connection  with  the  popular  faith  and 
superstition  by  its  symbolical  mode  of  interpretation.  This 
tendency  was  increased  by  the  spurious  WTitings  of  Dio- 
nysius  the  Areopag^ite  (Ancient  Church,  §57),  forged  probably 
about  the  end  of  the  fifth  century.-^  They  are  first  men- 
tioned by  the  Monophysite  Severians  (§  90),  in  a  doctrinal 
debate  at  Constantinople  in  533,  where  their  authenticity 
was  disputed  by  the  catholic  opponents  of  Monophy- 
sitism,'  but  was  soon  after,  about  600,  defended  by  a 
presbyter  Thcodorus,  and  from  this  time  they  steadily  rose  in 

'  It  properly  constitutes  only  a  part  of  his  prinripal  work  nrryv  yvuctus,  of 
whicli  the  first  pnrtH  trwit  of  Dinlertics,  and  tlic  thinl  of  Heresies.  There  is  al.<o 
extant  an  important  ajmht^etie  diaiojruc  by  Damaseenc,  between  a  Christian  and 
a  Saracen.  Compare  Lcnstroom  Dc  exjmsitionc  fidci  auctorc  Joh.  Damas- 
ceno,  Up.'ial.  18.TJ.     0|RTa  cd.  Ae  Qiuen  Tar.  1712,  and  Venet.  1748. 

2  They  are  tlic  first  attcmpti*  to  si/s(cmali:i'  mysticism,  and  brinj:  it  into  connec- 
tion witii  the  triuiitionul  theolojry.  The  best  edition  is  that  of  Paris,  1744  ;  they 
have  iK-cn  tmnsiated  into  (ierman  by  E  n  j:  e  1  h  a  r  d  t,  Sul/.bach,  1823.  Compare 
E  n  jre  1  h  a  rd  t  I)e  Dionysio  Arrop.  I'lotini/.ante  Krhmpen,  1820,  and  also  Do 
online  scri|>toruni  Areop.  1822  ;  I)  a  1 1  a  c  u  «  Dc  8cri|)tis  (piiie  sub  Dion.  Ar.  et 
IfHiatii  nominibus  cinunifcruntur,  Gencv.  IfiCG;  Ba  u  nn;  arten -Crus  i  u  9 
Dc  Dion.  Ar.  Jena.  1H2.T  ;  M  e  i  e  i*  Dionysii  Aa-op.  ct  mystii-orum  saiviili  XIV 
doctrinac  inter  »c  coni|)anintur,  Hal.  1845  ;  B  a  u  r  J)reieinj:keiuslchre  II. 
207-2f>3. 

'  Upon  the  pronmld  of  the  Mnl  silence  of  the  ancient  church  in  reference  to 
them,  and  the  mention  in  them  of  usages  that  did  not  arise  until  tlxrco  hundretl 
years  after  the  A|>o«tulic  age. 


§  106.       MONOTHELITE    CONTROVERSY.  53 

authority  and  influence.  A  third  tendency,  the  dialectic- 
mystical,  combining  the  two  tendencies  above  mentioned, 
was  represented  by  the  acute  and  cultivated  Maximus  the 
Confessor,  first  a  Byzantine  imperial  secretary,  afterward  a 
monk  and  abbot,  who  in  662  suffered  martyrdom,  in  his 
eighty-second  year,  after  horrible  tortures  and  mutilations, 
for  his  steadfast  adherence  to  the  dyothelite  doctrine.  The 
opinions  of  Maximus  had  beenjformed  by  the  study  of  the 
writings  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa  and  the  Pseudo  Dionysius ; 
nevertheless  they  are  characterized  by  an  invincible  adher- 
ence to  logical  orthodoxy,  in  opposition  to  the  modifications 
commanded  by  the  emperor  for  purposes  of  ecclesiastical 
union  (see  §  106),  as  well  as  by  zeal  for  a  living>  practical 
Christianity,  in  opposition  to  a  dead  faith  and  a  mechanical 
virtue.  A  kind  of  commentary  (scholia)  upon  the  Diony- 
sian  treatises,  which  he  composed,  contributed  much  towards 
their  spread  and  influence.'  —  These  three  tendencies  of  the- 
Greek  theology  were  sufficient,  indeed,  to  preserve  it  from  a 
stiff  uniformity,  but  they  could  not  breathe  into  it  the  warm 
breath  of  life. 


Controversies  relating  to  the  Person  of  Christ. 
§  106. 

MONOTHELITE  CONTROVERSY. 

Smodal  Acts  and  documents  in  M a n s i  Tom.  X.  XI.  Anastatii  Biblio- 
thecari  Collectanea  de  iis  quae  spoctant  ad  historiam  Monotheliticam.  N  i  c  e  p  h- 
ori  Brcviarium  historiae.  Combefisii  Ilistoria  haeresis  Monothelitarum. 
Baur  Dreieinigkeitslehre  II.  96-128.  Dorner  Person  Christi  II.  193-305. 
N  e  a  u  d  e  r  Church  History  HI.  1 75-1 97.     W  a  1  c  h  Ketzerhistorie  IX.  3. 

The  Monophysitism  slumbering  within  the  catholic  church 
was  once  more'  preparing  the  materials  for  a  new  strife,  in 
which  the  now  mainly  formal  difference  between  the  Cath- 

^Neander  Church  History  III.  171  sq. 


54  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

olic  and  IMonophysite  doctrine  was  to  be  refined  in  the  most 
subtile  manner  conceivable,  and  in  which  the  dogmatic 
interest  was  to  be  combined  with  imperial  desj)otism,  with 
all  of  Justinian's  zeal  (§90),  but  not  with  Justinian's  oth- 
odoxy. 

The  attempt  had  been  made  in  vain,  during  the  preceding 
period,  to  unite  the  Catholic  and  Monophysite  parties  by 
doctrinal  modifications  of  various  kinds.  The  emperor 
Ilcruclius,  engaged  in  war  with  the  Persians  (§  95),  had  a 
strong  motive  to  bring  about  this  union  between  Christian 
parties,  and  the  failure  of  previous  endeavors  neither  warned 
nor  instructed  him.  The  representation  of  some  Monophy- 
site bishops  whom  he  met  about  the  year  622  in  one  of 
his  campaigns  against  the  Persians,  that  the  two  divisions 
could  certainly  be  united,  if,  entirely  avoiding  the  question 
whether  there  are  one  or  two  natures  in  Christ,  it  should  be 
affirmed  that  there  is  only  one  will  or  mode  of  working  in 
him,  —  an  expression,  they  thought,  whith  both  parties 
could  agree  to,  inasmuch  as  the  church  had  been  entirely 
silent  respecting  the  relation  of  Christ's  human  will  to  his 
divine,  —  found  a  ready  entrance  into  his  mind  ;  and  the 
patriarch  Cyrus  of  Alexandria,  who  had  probably  obtained 
his  office  because  of  his  willingness  to  effect  the  union,  was 
the  first  to  enter  into  the  emperor's  plan.  In  C33,  Cyrus 
announced  the  dogmatic  formula,  that  Christ,  as  God  and 
man  in  one  person,  had  preformed  all  his  divine  and  human 
actions  by  one  theanthropic  mode  of  working  (/xta  ^eavSpiKrj 
evefryein),  or  one  theanthropic  will.  But  an  acute  dialec- 
tician then  residing  at  Alexandria,  the  Palestine  monk 
S(jj)/tronius,  saw  through  the  Monophysite  device.  Perceiv- 
ing and  asserting  that  the  hypothesis  of  only  one  will  was 
of  necessity  a  denial  of  two  natures,  that  two  distinct  and 
jiroper  natures  could  not  be  conceived  of  in  the  person  of 
Christ,  unless  there  were  two  wills  or  modes  of  elliciency 
corresponding  to  them,  viz.,  a  divine  and  a  human,  and  that 
Dyophysitism  logically  implied  Dyothelitism,  he  openly  re- 
jected the  formula  of  Cyrus  as  necessarily  conducting  to 
Moiiopli v>itl>ia.     Cyrus  now  liet(»i»k   himsrlf  fi»r  advice,  to 


§    106.       MONOTHELITE    CONTROVERSY.  55 

Sergius  bishop  of  Constantinople.  Sergius  advised  him  to 
let  the  whole  matter  rest,  since  he  had  not  attained  his  end 
by  his  formula ;  saying  that  any  statement  was  exposed  to 
misapprehension,  —  the  doctrine  of  one  will  would  be  re- 
garded as  involving  Monophysitism,  the  doctrine  of  two  wills 
as  implying  an  antagonism  in  Christ  between  the  divine 
and  human  wills.  Meanwhile,  Sophronius  had  become 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  634,  and  a  yet  more  violent 
outbreak  of  the  controversy  was  to  be  expected.  Sergius, 
under  these  circumstances,  thought  it  important  to  have 
an  understanding  with  Honorius  bishop  of  Rome  (625-638). 
Honorius  in  his  Epistola  ad  Sergium  ^  sided  with  him  in 
doctrinal  respects,  as  well  as  in  regard  to  his  advice  to 
Cyrus.  The  whole  dispute,  it  seemed  to  him,  was  an  idle 
speculation ;  at  the  same  time,  the  doctrine  of  two  wills,  he 
thought,  was  an  erroneous  one,  because  of  the  antagonism 
in  Christ's  person  that  would  result.  "What  had  been  an- 
ticipated, now  took  place.  Sophronius,  upon  taking  the 
patriarchate,  issued  the  usual  inaugural  letter,  in  which  he 
combated  Monothelitism  in  the  most  decided  terms,  and 
unfolded  the  opposite  doctrine  in  a  clear  and  acute  manner. 
The  hypothesis  of  two  wills  in  Christ,  he  said,  by  no  means 
implied  an  antagonism  between  the  divine  and  the  human 
in  him  ;  by  means  of  the  union  of  the  two  natures,  neither 
one  could  work  without  the  other  participating  in  the 
efficiency  ;  one  and  the  same  Christ,  therefore,  performs  the 
divine  and  the  human  action,  although  each  is  wrought  in 
accordance  with  the  distinguishing  quality  of  the  nature 
that  corresponds  with  it.2  Soon  after  this,  Palestine  was 
violently  severed  from  its  connection  with  Christendom,  by 
the  Mohammedan  conquest  of  the  Caliph  Omar ;  neverthe- 
less, the  impression  of  the  letter  of  Sophronius  was  not 
thereby  obliterated.  On  the  contrary,  the  strife  increased 
only  the  more,  and  Heraclius  in  638  attempted  to  suppress 
it  by  a  dogmatic  edict,  "EK^rjaa  t?}'?  7ri(TTe&)?.3     In  this,  he 

1  Tn  Mansi  Tom.  XI.  p.  537. 

2  Sophronii  Synortica  in  Mansi  Coll.  Concill.  Tom.  XI.  461. 

3  Mansi  Tom.  p.  992. 


56  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

reaffirms  the  doctrine  of  two  natures,  but  forbade  the  asser- 
tion of  either  one  wiU^  or  two  luills,  —  the  latter  with 
special  emphasis.  But  such  an  imperial  edict  of  union 
could  not  harmonize  the  contending  parties.  It  was  re- 
garded as  designed  to  favor  Monothelitism  ;  and  from  this 
time  onward  the  Roman  see  rallied  its  force,  and  energeti- 
cally opposed  the  theory  of  one  will.  The  two  immediate 
successors  of  Honorius,  Scverinus  (638-644)  and  John  IV. 
(640-642),  declared  for  the  doctrine  of  two  wills ;  and 
their  successor  Thcodorus  (642-649)  went  so  far  as  to 
pronounce  the  ban  of  excommunication,  in  646,  against  the 
Monothelite  Paidns  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  In  the 
East,  moreover,  there  was  by  no  means  a  general  assent  to 
the  imperial  decision.  On  the  contrary,  the  monk  Maximus 
(§105)  stood  forth,  with  great  success,  as  the  acute  and 
immoveable  defender  of  Dyothelitism.^  The  dispute  ran  so 
high,  that  the  emperor  Chnslans  11.  (642-668)  issued  a  new 
dogmatic  edict  (Tutto?  t/}?  Tricrreoj'i)^  in  648,  in  which  he 
commanded  all  parties,  under  threat  of  severe  penalties,  to 
abide  by  the  ancient  doctrine  of  the  church,  and  that  nei- 
ther party  should  hereticate  the  other.  But  the  ojiponents 
of  Monothelitism  saw  in  this  edict,  also,  either  a  concealed 
Monosophytism  and  Monothelitism,  or  else  a  censurable 
indifference  to  all  truth ;  and  they  found  a  strong  champion 
in  the  Roman  bishop  Murtin  I.  who,  lilce  Maximus,  resisted 
the  emperor  by  bolh  an  acute  speculation  and  an  energetic 

'  Arpuinp  nfrninst  the  Amhifin  bishop  Throdore  of  Pharan,  the  prinripal 
ilcfcnder  of  Monothelitism,  Maximus  maintained  tliat  the  fjrouii<l  of  anta;.'onism 
hctwcen  the  Divine  and  the  liuninn  eouhl  not  he  in  the  nature  of  the  liuman  will, 
—  for  tliis  would  make  CJod  the  nutlior  of  sin,  —  hut  in  sin.  Conse(iuentI_v,  in 
the  sinless  Christ  there  could  ho  both  a  divine  and  a  human  will,  without  any 
antagonism  between  them.  Furtlicrmorc,  it  was  necessary  to  assume  two  wills  in 
Christ :  first,  beeauso  it  was  the  human  will  that  ori^'inatcd  sin,  and  therefore  the 
human  will  must  be  assumed  into  union  with  the  divine,  in  onlcr  to  redemption ; 
and  secimdiy,  l)crause  a  true  and  jiroper  bumaii  nature  is  not  conceivable  without 
a  true  and  proper  liuman  will.  Thero  would  he  no  real  and  romjtl'tr  humanizing 
of  the  Logos,  unless  there  were  a  coniphlr  humanity.  Moreover,  tho.se  who 
denied  the  existence  of  a  liuman  will  in  Christ,  could  not  explain  such  merely 
human  actions  at  eating',  drinking,',  etc.,  cxoejit  upon  the  theory  of  Docetism. 

-'  JIansi  Tom.  X.  1029. 


§  106.   MONOTHELITE  CONTOVERSY.  57 

practicality.  Olympius,  the  exarch  of  Ravenna,  the  em- 
peror's Italian  viceory,  received  orders  to  arrest  the  bishop. 
But  the  viceroy  himself  was  plotting  an  insurrection  against 
the  emperor,  in  which  the  favor  of  the  Dyothelites  would  be 
a  matter  of  importance  to  him,  while  at  the  same  time,  he 
did  not  feel  himself  sufficiently  strong  to  enforce  the  im- 
perial orders,  even  if  he  had  been  so  inclined.  Instead, 
therefore,  of  promulgating  the  emperor's  edict  in  Italy,  and 
humbling  the  Roman  bishop,  Olympius  quietly  allowed 
Martin  to  summon  a  council,  in  649,  in  the  Lateran  church 
at  Rome,  —  the  first  Lateran  synod,  —  which  adopted  the 
Dyothelite  doctrine,  that  Christ  had  willed  the  salvation  of 
men  in  the  same  natural  way  in  both  natures,  and  uttered  an 
anathema  against  Monothelitism,  its  defender  the  patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  and  the  two  edicts  which  the  emperor 
had  issued  concerning  it.  The  emperor  regarded  this  as 
high  treason.  A  new  Italian  viceroy,  Calliopas,'  in  653, 
took  the  Roman  bishop  prisoner,  in  the  Lateran  church, 
where  he  lay  sick  upon  his  couch.  Not  being  able  to  call 
upon  his  people  for  aid,  Martin  submitted  with  calmness 
and  dignity  to  the  most  unworthy  treatment  when  arrested, 
and  afterwards  during  a  highly  fatiguing  and  purposely 
prolonged  voyage  to  Constantinople.  On  arriving  at  Con- 
stantinople, he  patiently  endured  every  shameful  accusation 
and  maltreatment,  and  in  654  was  exiled  to  Chersonesus, 
where  he  died  in  outward  wretchedness  but  with  inward 
courage  and  faith,  on  September  16th,  655.^  A  yet  severer 
lot  befel  the  aged  Maximns,  who  in  662  perished  a  horribly 
mutilated  sacrifice  (§  105)  to  the  court  theology  bent  upon 
union  and  pacification ! 

Such  despotic  power  stifled  for  a  time  every  voice  raised 
against  Monothelitism ;  but  only  for  a  short  time.  In  the 
Western  church,  which,  after  some  wavering,  had  with- 
drawn fellowship,  in  677,  under  the  lead  of  the  energetic 
Roman  bishop  Adeodatus,  with  the  now  mostly  Monoth- 

1  Olympius  had  been  killed  in  a  battle  with  the  Saracens  in  Sicily. 

2  See  the  Coramemoratio  eonim,  quae  saeviter  acta  sunt  in  ilartinum,  in 
Mansi  Tom.  X.  851. 

8 


58  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

elite  East,  and  particularly  with  the  patriarch  of  Constan- 
tinople, the  Diothelite  doctrine  spread  without  interruption, 
until  finally  it  acquired  the  victory  also  in  the  Greek 
church.  In  order  to  heal  the  disquieting  schism  between 
the  West  and  East,  the  emperor  Constantius  Pug-onatus 
(668-685),  convened  the  sixth  oecumenical  council  at  Con- 
stantinople,—  caUed  the  First  Trullan,  from  the  TpovWo'i, 
or  dome,  arching  the  room  in  the  imperial  palace  where  the 
council  assembled,  —  at  which  the  Roman  bishop  Ag-atlio 
(678-682)  exerted  great  inlluence  by  a  dogmatic  letter 
which  he  sent  by  his  delegates.  After  a  patient  and  orderly 
investigation  of  the  whole  subject,  the  council  decided  in 
favor  of  the  Dyothelite  doctrine.  Of  the  two  most  vehe- 
ment opponents  of  Dyothelitism,  Greg-orius  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  whether  convinced  by  his  examination  of 
the  writings  of  the  Fathers,  or  from  external  motives,  re- 
nounced Monothelitism,  and  Macarius,  patriarch  of  Antioch, 
was  deposed.  All  Monothelites,  including  even  Honorius 
of  Rome,  were  anathematized,  and  the  symbol  of  the 
council  enunciated,  that  there  are  in  Christ  two  natural 
wills  or  modes  of  efficiency  (corresponding  to  the  two  na- 
tures), existing  without  schism  or  divergence,  as  well  as 
without  change  or  mixture,  while  yet  there  is  no  antago- 
nism between  them,  but  the  human  will  is  constantly  subject 
to  the  divine  and  almighty  will.'  Tiiis  symbol  was  re- 
affirmed by  the  Second  Trullan  council,  convened  in  692  by 
Justinian  II.,  as  a  supplementary  council  to  liie  lifth  and 
sixth  oecumenical  councils  (hence  denominated  Consilium 
Quinsextum)  which  had  been  occupied  solely  with  doctrinal 
points.2 

'  The  orii:innl  (in  Mansi  XI.  C31  sq.)  announces  that  Avo  <pvfftKai  dtX^o-tu 
tjrot  dtK^fiara  iv  avTcji  Koi  ST'o  (pvffiKas  ivtpytias  aSiatptrus,  iirpiirru'S,  a.fitpi<nus, 
iivuyxvrus  Kr\pimoynV  Koi  Svu  nif  <pvtTiKa  dfA'^/iara  ovx  Oirtycurrla,  Aa\'  iitofj.tvov 
rh  (wdpuTTivov  ainou  ^t\r]fj.a  Kot  vTroraffaSntyov  ry  dflii)  aiiTov  kq)  iravadfVfT  dtK- 
■fllXuTi.  T6  ay^piintvov  aiiTov  d«AT]ja(£  dcddcf  ovk  a.yr]pfdr).  Ao{a^'ou(f  dtlaw  ivip- 
yftav  Koi  a.viipwTrlyrji'  ivipynav,  'V.vtp'ytl  -/ap  tKartpa  f^opipi)  fitih  Tr\%  bartpou 
Koifui'las  Ijirtp  tSioi'  ffrxif*.  toC  fiiv  K6you  Kanpya^ofxtyov  toGto  Sirtp  iffrl  tou 
\6you,  TOU  5t  awfiaros  iKT*\ovyros  Sirtp  iarl  tov  awixaros. 

'•'  Tlii.s  couiuil  rtvisi-J  tlic  existing  cuuuniciil  regulatiuns,  and  drew  up  a  lnnly 


§  106.   MONOTHELITE  CONTROVERSY.  59 

A  spasmodic  and  transitory  attempt  to  restore  the  Mo- 
nothelite  doctrine  was  made  by  the  emperor  Philipjncus 
Bardanes  (711-713),  who  had  succeeded  in  dethroning  Jus- 
tinian II.  But  when  Philippicus  was  himself  dethroned 
by  Anastasius  II.  this  attempt,  which  Rome  from  the  first 
had  vigorously  opposed,  lost  its  chief  external  support,  and 
the  characterless  patriarch  John  of  Constantinople,  the  crea- 
ture of  Philippicus,  Avas  ready  to  accept  anything.  The 
Dyothelite  doctrine  was  then  defended  in  the  Greek  church, 
by  the  acute  and  influential  John  of  Damascus. 

A  small  body  of  Monothelites  maintained  a  permanent 
existence  in  Syria,  —  the  sole  relic  of  a  once  great  and 
powerful  party.  The  inhabitants  of  Lebanon  settled  in 
the  sixth  century  around  the  cloister  of  a  St.  3Iaro,  by 
whom  they  were  probably  taught  the  Monothelite  doctrine. 
The  tribe  took  the  name  of  Maronites^^  and  the  abbots  of 
the  convent  managed  their  civil  and  military  affairs.  They 
chose  for  themselves  a  patriarch  of  Antioch  (the  first 'was 
John  Maro  1701),  and,  secure  in  their  mountain  fastnesses, 
maintained  their  independence  against  the  Greeks  and  the 
Mohammedan  Arabians,  confessing  the  doctrine  of  one 
will  in  Christ  down  to  the  time  of  the  Crusades.  In  the 
twelfth  century  negotiations  were  entered  upon,  with  success, 
for  the  union  of  the  Maronites  with  the  Roman  church  ; 
but  they  did  not  essentially  modify  the  Monothelite  doctrine. 


of  ecclesiastical  statutes  for  the  Greek  church,  Tvhich  contributed  to  widen  the  dis- 
tance between  it  and  the  Western,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  final  separation. 
It  settled  tlie  question  respecting  the  number  of  the  Ajiostolical  canons  (§  57,  3), 
the  marriage  of  priests,  the  rank  of  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  fast  on 
Saturday,  partaking  of  blood  and  things  strangled,  etc.  The  council  was 
regarded  as  oecumenical  in  the  East,  but  not  recognized  in  the  West.  See  the 
Acta  and  Canones  in  Mansi  Tom.  XI.  921-1006. 
^  Le  Quien  Orieus  Christianas  Tom.  III.  p,  I  sq. 


60  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

§  107. 

ADOPTIAN  CONTROVERSY. 

TValrh  Ilistoria  Adoptianorum,  and  Kctzerliistoric  IX.  667  sq.  Frobe- 
n  i  u  s  Disscrtatio'de  liaoresi  Elipandi  et  Felicis  iu  Opera  Alciiini  Tom.  I.  923  s(i. 
B  a  u  r  Dreicinijxkcitslchre  II.  129-159.  Dorner  Person  Chri.sti  II.  306-.330. 
N  c  a  n  d  e  r  Church  History  III.  156-168.  M  i  1  m  a  n  Latin  Christianity,  Book 
IV.  chap.  vi. 

The  Roman  church  had  been  the  chief  instrument  in 
bringing  the  Monothehte  controversy  to  a  conclusion.  Yet 
the  whole  West  did  not  stand  upon  the  same  dogmatic  po- 
sition with  Rome.  In  Spain,  under  new  forms  and  names, 
the  old  and  rejected  Nestorianism  with  its  rationalizing 
tendency  appeared  once  more,  in  opposition  to  the  super- 
naturalism  of  the  church. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  eighth  century,  Elipandus,  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo  in  Spain,  an  impulsive  and  zealous 
octogenarian,  and  Felix  bi:>hop  of  Urgellis  in  Catalonia,  a 
man  much  superior  to  Elipandus  in  learning  and  acuteness, 
brought  forward  a  theory  respecting  the  mutual  relation  of 
the  two  natures  in  Christ,  which  strictly  separated  the  divine 
from  the  human  predicates  in  his  Person,  and  which  was  the 
development  of  the  Christology  first  broached  by  the  Anti- 
ochian  school,  and  afterwards  expanded  by  Nestorius  and 
his  adherents.  They  had  perhaps  been  led  to  this  dogmatic 
position  by  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Theodore  of  Mop- 
suestia,  which  had  become  known  to  the  West  through  the 
Controversy  of  the  Three  Chapters  (Ancient  Church,  §90) :  or 
perhaps  from  an  endeavor  to  defend  and  make  intelligible, 
the  deity  of  Christ,  in  opposition  to  the  crude  objections 
of  the  Anti-Trinitarian  Mohammedans.  In  constructing 
their  theory,  they  make  special  use  of  a  clause  in  the 
Gothic-Spanish  liturgy,*  in  which  the  assumption  of  hu- 
manity by  the   Son  of  (Jod  was  denominated  *' adoptio,"  — 

^  ThcOfficinm  Mostarabiciim  wa.s  tlio  liturfry  of  the  Spanish  Christians  in  an 
iVrabian  distriit  —  a  mixed  Arabic  document. 


§    107.       ADOPTIAN    CONTROVERSY.  61 

the  term  very  often  employed  as  synonomous  with  "  as- 
sumptio."  Founding  upon  this,  they  maintained  that 
Christ,  as  to  his  divine  nature,  is  properly  and  strictly  the 
Son  of  God  (filius  Dei  genere,  natura) ;  but  as  to  his  human 
nature,  is  adoptively  the  Son  of  God  (filius  Dei  adoptione, 
filius  Dei  gratia,  beneficio,  voluntate,  assumptione,  elec- 
tione).  Hence  the  party  were  called  Adoptians.  As  many 
of  the  Adoptian  speculations  either  logically  involved  a 
denial  of  the  true  deity  and  theanthropy  of  Christ,  or  else 
paved  the  way  for  it,i  and  as  the  whole  system  bore  so 
decidedly  the  character  of  Nestorianism,  Felix,  whose 
episcopal  see  was  still  under  Frankish  rule,  and  his  doctrine 
spreading  in  the  Frankish  kingdom,  soon  met  with  earnest 
opponents.  Beatus,"^  a  Spanish  priest,  and  Etheriiis  bishop 
of  Othma  first  stood  forth  in  opposition  to  Adoptianism. 
Elipandus  took  the  ground  that  his  opponents  were  heretics 
and  servants  of  Anti- Christ,  and  must  be  extirpated.  His 
opponents,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  that  they  were 
contending  for  the  very  foundations  of  faith  in  the  one 
Christ,  the  God-man.  Soon  the  controversy  broke  out  into 
a  flame,  both  in  Spain  and  France.  An  ecclesiastical  and 
civil  assembly  at  Regensburg,  in  792,  convened  under  the 
authority  of  Charlemagne,  at  which  Felix  was  present,  inves- 
tigated the  subject,  Charlemagne  being  influenced  not  only 
by  the  desire  to  settle  the  dispute  in  the  church,  but  also  by 
the  wish  to  gain  the  orthodox  bishops  of  Spain  to  his  interest, 
because  he  was  meditating  the  design  of  wresting  Spain 
from  the  rule  of  the  Saracens.  The  convention  condemned 
Adoptianism  ;  and  Felix  recanted,  and  sent  a  copy  of  his 
recantation  to  the  pope  at  Rome.  Nevertheless,  on  his 
return  to  his  bishopric  he  persisted  in  holding  his  former 

1  As  when,  e.  g.  Felix  said  that  the  Son  of  God,  as  to  his  humanity,  was 
raised  to  communion  Avith  God  by  divine  grace,  like  his  disciples,  although 
"  multo  excellentius,"  and  that  hence  he  was  Deus  nuncupatione  ;  when  he  com- 
pared the  baptism  of  Christ  in  Jordan  with  the  regeneration  of  believers  j 
when,  in  reference  to  Christ,  he  inquired  :  "  Quid  potuit  ex  ancilla  nasci  nisi 
servus?"  Such  positions  seemed  to  imply  that  the  connection  of  Christ's 
humanity  with  deity,  differed  from  that  of  ordinary  men  only  in  degree,  and  not 
in  kind. 

2  A  fragment  of  his  is  extant  in  Canisii  Lectioues  antiqu.  Tom.  II.  310. 


62  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

doctrine,  and  betook  himself  to  a  region  under  Saracen 
rule.  Alcuin,  at  Charlemagne's  request,  sent  Felix  an  affec- 
tionate letter,  —  warning  him  against  an  obstinate  and 
disputatious  spirit,  and  another  letter  to  the  clergy  and 
monks  of  the  Spanish  provinces  bordering  on  France,  re- 
futing Adoptianism  (Alcunii  libelliis  adversus  haeresin  Fe- 
licis).  But  without  effect.  The  Saracen-Spanish  bishops 
now  asked  Charlemagne  for  another  investigation  of  their 
views  ;  but  the  council  of  Frankfort-on-the-Blaine,  convened 
at  their  request,  in  794,  decided  against  Adoptianism. 
Meanwhile  Felix  had  defended  his  doctrine  against  Alcuin 
in  a  special  treatise,  and  hence  Alcuin,  at  the  request 
of  Charlemagne,  in  conjunction  with  three  distinguished 
Frankish  bishops, —  Paulinna  of  Aquileia  (f  804),  Thcodnlph 
of  Orleans,  and  Richbon  of  Treves,  —  composed  new  works 
against  Adoptianism,  of  which,  after  that  of  Alcuin  (Ad- 
versus Felicin  libb.  VII.),  the  treatise  of  Paulinus  is  the 
most  imprortant.  The  emperor,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
spread  of  Adoptianism,  also  sent  some  theologians,  namely 
Leidrad  archbishop  of  Lyons,  Benedict  an  abbot  of  Aniana, 
and  Nefrid  bishop  of  Narbonne,  to  the  Spanish  border. 
Leidrad  now  persuaded  Felix  to  appear  before  an  ecclesi- 
astical tribunal  that  should  candidly  examine  the  whole 
subject.  He  came  before  the  synod  of  Aix,  in  799,  and 
after  a  discussion  of  several  days  with  Alcuin  declared  him- 
self to  be  convinced,  and  renounced  his  Adoptianism  in  a 
written  document  (Confessio  fidei  Felicis).  He  then  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  days  at  Lyons,  under  the  oversight  of 
the  archbishop  In  the  year  800,  the  same  three  deputies 
were  sent  again  to  the  Spanish  border,  and,  influenced  by  a 
letter  of  Alcuin  (Ep.  92),  some  ten  thousand  persons  re- 
nounced Adoptianism.  Elipandus,  on  the  other  hand,  secure 
behind  his  Moorish  protection,  steadily  and  vehemently 
repelled  all  the  endeavors  which  Alcuin  made  by  letters  to 
convert  him.  Nevertheless,  in  the  ninth  century  Adop- 
tianism fell  into  entire  oblivion.  Felix  died  in  816,  and  a 
paper  of  his,  found  after  his  death,  written  over  with  Adop- 
tionizing  theses  and  questions,  elicited  a  rcjily  by  Ai^obard, 
archbishop  of  Lyons  (Adversus  dogma  Felicis  lib.). 


§  108.       IMAGE    CONTROVERSIES.  63 


Image   Controversies. 

The  Byzantine  historians,  viz.  :  Nicephorus  Breviarium  Historiae,  and 
Theophanes  Chronographia.  Imperialia  decreta  de  cultu  imaginum  a 
Haiminsfeldio  Goldasto.  Dallaeus  De  iraaginibus.  Spanheim 
Historia  imaginum  restitut.  Maimbourg  Histoire  de  1'  heresie  des  Icono- 
clastes.  Marx  Der  Bilderstreit  der  byzantin.  Kaiser.  Schlosser  Ge- 
schichte  der  bilderstiirmenden  Kaiser.  Fl a t h e  Gesdiichtc  der  Vorlaiifcr  der 
Eeformation.  Gibbon  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  XLIX.  N  can  der  Cliurch 
History  III.  197-243.     Mi]  m  a  n  Latin  Christianity,  Book  IV,  chap,  vii.  viii. 


§  108. 

OBJECT  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THE  CONTROVERSY. 

A  controversy  of  an  entirely  new  and  different  kind  arose 
in  this  period  respecting  Image  Worship,  in  v^hich  we  dis- 
cover three  different  tendencies  and  theories.  One  party 
would  make  an  idolatrous  use  of  images  and  pictures ; 
another  party  would  forbid  all  use  of  them  under  pains 
and  penalties  ;  a  third  party,  supported  by  the  authority  of 
Gregory  the  Great  and  under  the  auspices  of  Charlemagne, 
sought  a  middle  ground,  and  would  employ  them  only  as  an 
aid  to  devotion. 

In.  the  image,  said  the  first  party,  we  know  the  divine 
object,  or  the  sacred  thing,  represented  by  it.  Said  the  sec- 
ond party :  all  use  of  images  in  religion  is  contrary  to  the 
spiritual  nature  of  Christianity,  and  to  represent  divine 
things  under  sensible  images,  is  to  dishonor  and  degrade 
them.  A  third  party,  which  engaged  in  the  controversy 
only  from  a  distance  and  indirectly,  distinguished  between 
an  allowable  and  even  praiseworthy  use  of  religious  images 
and  a  misuse  of  them,  maintaining  that  art,  like  every  other 
province  of  human  activity,  may  be  sanctified  and  made 
subservient  to  Christianity.  The  second  theory,  though 
founded  also  in  the  nature  of  Christianity,  had  naturally 
sprung  up  originally  in  opposition  to  heathenism,  and  was 
the  most  generally  adopted  in  the  ancient  church,— sup- 
porting itself  particularly  by  the  letter  of  the  Old  Testa- 


64  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine 

ment  The  third  theory  had  formed  itself  by  degrees  out 
of  the  second,  with  some  show  of  reason  interpreting  the 
Old  Testament  teachings  as  allowing  a  use  of  sensible 
representations,  from  the  fact  that  God  himself,  in  his 
revealed  word,  had  communicated  so  much  truth  under 
symbols  of  various  sorts,  nay,  in  the  Old  Economy  had 
even  set  forth  man  as  an  image  of  himself  (Gen.  i.  26),  and 
especially,  in  the  New  Economy,  had  manifested  himself  in 
the  person  of  Christ.  This  was  the  view  taken  by  Gregory 
the  Great  when,  at  the  request  of  a  certain  eremite,  he  sent 
him  an  image  of  Christ,  with  the  explanation  (EpistoU. 
IX.  52)  that  it  is  a  need  of  human  nature  to  possess  some 
visible  representation  of  an  absent  or  invisible  friend,  and 
also  witii  the  warning  that  he  must  regard  the  image 
simply  as  an  instrument  of  conducting  him  to  the  Saviour 
himself.  The  same  view  of  the  subject  also  led  Gregory 
to  express  his  approbation  of  the  pious  zeal  with  which 
Scrcnus,  bishop  of  INIarseilles,  had  opposed  the  superstitious 
regard  for  images  that  was  springing  up  in  his  diocese,  and 
at  the  sajTie  time  to  censure  him  for  indiscriminately  des- 
troying all  images,  instead  of  instructing  the  rude  Franks 
respecting  the  right  use  of  them.  This,  he  said,  did  not 
consist  in  the  worship  of  the  images  themselves,  but  in 
regarding  them  as  a  means  of  awakening  devotion  and 
imparting  knowledge,  especially  among  rude  and  uncul- 
tivated men. 

The  first  view,  that,  namely,  of  the  image-worshippers, 
owing  to  the  fervid  fancy  and  enthusiastic  love  of  art 
characteristic  of  the  Greeks,  had  gained  currency  earliest 
in  the  Greek  church ;  so  that  by  the  beginning  ot  the 
seventh  century  the  Greek  apologists  were  compelled  to 
defend  Christianity  from  the  charge  of  idolatry,  made  by 
the  Jews  and  Mohiunincdans  npcn  this  ground;  and  from 
this  date  onward,  this  view  of  images  became  more  and 
more  general  as  the  tendeiu-y  of  the  whole  church  to  super- 
stition became  more  and  more  total.  To  (Jod  alone  is 
adoration  due,  they  said;  but  in  the  image  one  does  not 
worship  the  mere  image  itself,  but  the  Christ  represented 


§  109.       IMAGE    CONTROVERSIES.  65 

therein ;  even  as  in  the  saint,  not  the  man,  but  the  grace 
of  God,  is  venerated.  And  since  they  could  not  appeal  to 
Scripture  in  support  of  their  theory,  they  appealed  all  the 
more  to  the  authority  of  a  particular  tradition  decked  out 
with  legendary  tales  relating  to  the  wonderful  virtues  of 
images.  One  principal  argument  which  the  image-wor- 
shippers relied  upon  in  their  controversy  was,  that  he 
who  did  not  acknowledge  Christ  in  the  image,  could  not 
acknowledge  the  reality  of  his  incarnation.  The  final 
victory  of  the  opponents  of  image-worship  was  less  bene- 
ficial to  the  church  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been, 
from  the  fact  that,  instead  of  proceeding  moderately,  and 
in  the  way  of  instruction  and  persuasion,  they  employed 
the  strong  arm  of  the  civil  power  to  put  down  the  super- 
stition of  fanatical  monks,  and  uneducated  people,  by 
sheer  force. 


§  109. 

The  controversy  commenced  first  in  the  Greek  Church, 
in  which  the  worship  of  images  first  obtained  a  general 
currency. 

The  emperor  Leo  III.,  the  Isaurian  (717-741),  had  dis- 
covered that  the  Jews  and  Mohammedans,  whom  he  desired 
to  Christianize,  were  scandalized  by  the  idolatrous  venera- 
tion of  images  by  the  Christians.  His  attention  having 
been  directed  by  some  ecclesiastics  to  the  fact  that  the 
veneration  of  images  was  forbidden  by  God  in  the  Old 
Testament,  he  first  sought,  but  in  vain,  the  concurrence  of 
the  ecclesiastical  conclave  at  Constantinople,  and  then  in 
726,  with  the  advice  of  his  privy  council,  issued  an  edict 
against  the  custom  of  prostration  and  kneeling  before  im- 
ages, though  not  against  all  use  of  images  in  devotion,  — 
under  this  concealing  his  ulterior  designs.  Upon  this, 
several  zealous  defenders  of  image-worship  appeared,  par- 
ticularly Germanus  i  the  patriarch  of   Constantinople,  and 

^  Germanus  maintained  that  no  image  should  be  made  of  the  invisible  God ; 

9 


66  *  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

John  Damascene^  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  Cycladic 
islands  rose  in  insurrection.  The  success  of  his  attempt 
to  destroy  the  fleet  Of  the  rebels,  by  the  Greek  fire,  the  em- 
peror regarded  as  a  token  that  God  favored  his  designs ; 
and  in  730  he  issued  a  second  edict  forbidding,  under 
jienalty,  any  use  of  any  images  of  saints,  martyrs,  angels, 
or  Christ.  Germanus  now  resigned  his  ofTice,  and  his 
secretary,  the  pliant  courtier  Anastasiits,  was  appointed 
patriarch  in  his  place ;  and  notwithstanding  the  violent 
popular  commotion  that  attended  the  removal  of  celebrated 
images,  the  emperor  continued  to  enforce  his  edict  until  his 
death. 

His  son  and  successor  Constantinus  Cbproni/mus  (741-775) 
pursued  the  same  course,  with  yet  greater  consistency  and 
energy.  After  his  victory  in  744  over  his  brother-in-law 
Arfabasdus,  who  with  the  assistance  of  the  advocates  of 
image  worship  among  the  masses  had  risen  in  rebellion, 
the  emperor  worked  upon  a  carefully  formed  iconoclastic 
])lan  to  destroy  images  utterly  and  forever.  In  754  he 
convened  the  council  of  Constantinople,  composed  of  three 
hundred  bishops,  which  he  ordered  should  be  called  the 
seventh  oecumenical,  thoiigh  nt)t  a  single  one  of  the  pa- 
triarchs was  present.2     This  counciP  pronounced  the  anath- 

and  tliat  this  was  the  meaning  of  the  OM  Testament  prohihition.  Rut  God  had 
since  appeared  in  n  human  fonn  ;  and  of  this  form  it  was  projier  to  make  a  rv|>- 
resentiition.  To  deny  this,  was  virtually  to  deny  that  the  Uoil-nuin  had  a  real 
1  crsonnl  appeamncc,  and  involved  Doeetism. 

'  .Fohn  Damascene  composed  tha-c  treatises  in  defence  of  imnpos.  "The 
Lord,"  ho  said,  '•  had  pronounced  liis  disciples  blessed  for  what  their  eyes  had 
.-een.  Tlicy  had  seen  him  with  the  liodily  eye  ;  wc  sec  him  through  the  image. 
Aslicingsofncomjilex  sensuous  and  spiritual  nature,  wc  attain  to  a  spiritual  in- 
tuition only  through  a  sensuous  one  For  this  reason,  Christ  assumed  Itoth  soul 
and  l)oily  Everything  in  worship,  baptism,  the  sacraments,  etc.,  is  a  coml>inH- 
tion  of  the  sensible  and  the  spirilunl.  As  for  the  emperor's  edict,  it  did  not 
l>elon'.'  to  eanldy  princes  to  prt'scriln;  laws  for  llie  church  of  God.  Not  emiKTors, 
but  apostles,  pasioi-s,  and  teachers  are  mentioned  in  Scripture  as  llio.se  who  are 
to  have  the  guidance  of  the  church." 

-•  The  sei-  of  Con-^tantinople  was  vacant ;  Rome  Imd  excommunicated  the  Icon- 
oclasts, and  n-fu.sed  to  sen(l  to  tlie  council ;  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem 
wen-  now  umler  Saracen  domination. 

'  Fraymenu  of  Uie  Acta  arc  given  in  Mansi  Toiu.  XIII.  p.  205  sq. 


§    109.       IMAGE    CONTROVERSIES.  67 

ema  upon  all  image-makers,  as  being  chargeable  with  either 
the  Nestorian  or  the  Eutychian  heresy,'  designated  the 
sacrament  of  the  supper  as  the  only  trap  representation  of 
Christ,  and  condemned  all  use  of  religious  images  in  the 
most  unmeasured  terms.  In  order  to  counteract  a  danger- 
ous rumor  respecting  their  orthodoxy,  the  council  uttered 
an  anathema  against  those  who  opposed  the  veneration  of 
Mary  and  the  saints,  —  a  measure  not  at  all  in  accordance 
with  the  spirit  and  other  acts  of  the  body.  The  emperor 
executed  the  decrees  of  the  council  in  the  most  unsparing 
manner,^  and  as  the  monks,  who  were  some  of  them  paint- 
ers, made  an  earnest  resistance,  he  gave  them  over  to  the 
most  shameful  punishment  and  indignities,^  By  such 
means  and  methods,  the  party  of  Iconoclasts  {elKovo/u,a)(oc 
as  opposed  to  eoKovokdrpai)  now  became  dorninant. 

Constantine  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Leo  IV.  Chazarus 
(775-780),  of  the  same  views  with  his  father,  but  not  of 
equal  ability,  whose  cunning  consort  Irene,  as  superstitious 
as  she  was  immoral,  was  a  zealous  image-worshipper. 
After  the  early  death  of  the  emperor,  and  during  the  mi- 
nority of  his  son  Constantine  (780-802),  she  had  'ample 
opportunity  for  carrying  out  her  wishes.  Favorite  monks 
were  appointed  to  the  most  important  ecclesiastical  offices, 
the  weak-minded  Paid,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  pen- 
itent for  having  permitted  the  distruction  of  the  images. 


1  The  argument  for  this  charge  was  as  follows  :  It  is  oonfcssedly  impossible  to 
make  a  sensible  image  of  the  divine  nature  of  Christ ;  the  image-worshipper  must 
either  assume,  then,  that  the  humanity  of  Christ  separate  from  his  divinity  can 
he  represented,  and  this  is  Nestorianism,  or  that  from  the  mixture  of  the  deity 
and  liumanity  a  third  substance  arises  that  is  rcpresentable,  and  this  is  Eutycli- 
ianism. 

2  All  representations  of  sacred  objects  upon  the  walls  of  the  churches  were 
washed  over  with  paint ;  in  the  place  of  paintings  representing  the  life  of  Christ 
from  his  birth  to  his  ascension,  pictures  of  animals,  fruit-trees,  hunting-scenes, 
etc.,  were  substituted  ;  and  even  pictures  upon  the  books  used  in  the  churches 
were  ordered  to  be  obliterated.  In  the  city  of  Phocaca  more  than  three  hundred 
books  were  burned  in  obedience  to  this  order. 

^  Such  as  scourging,  cutting  off  the  nose,  ears,  hands,  boring  out  the  eyes,  etc. 
Monks,  led  about  arm  in  arm  with  females,  were  compelled  to  submit  to  the 
jeers  of  the  populace. 


68  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

resigned  his  office,  and  the  zealous  image-worshipper,  a 
courtier  Tarasius,  was  appointed  in  his  place.  The  new 
patriarch  resumed  connection  with  the  Roman  church, 
which  through  the  whole  controversy  had  declared  in  favor 
of  the  image-worshippers ;  and  as  the  last  council  could  not 
be  regarded  as  oecumenical,  the  patriarch  not  having  been 
present,  a  new  general  council  was  convened  in  786  at  Con- 
stantinople. But  the  imperial  body-guard,  still  adhering  to 
the  views  of  their  favorite  emperor  Constantine  Coprony- 
mus,  at  the  opening  of  the  council  excited  violent  commo- 
tions, and  hence  Irene  dismissed  the  council  for  the  present, 
—  and  this  the  more  willingly,  inasmuch  as  many  of  the 
bishops  did  not  agree  with  her.  By  means  of  various 
machinations  of  courtiers  and  court-bishops,  Irene  first 
made  herself  more  sure  of  a  successful  result,  and  then 
convened  the  council  again  at  Nice,  the  place  where  the 
first  oecumenical  council  was  held.  This  seventh  oecumeu- 
ical  council,  at  Nice,  in  787,i  composed  of  about  three 
hundred  and  fifty  bishops,  unanimously  declared  that  the 
acts  of  the  iconoclastic  council  of  Constantinople,  in  754, 
were  null  and  void,  and  formally  authorized  the  worship  of 
images,  —  yet  not  as  divine  adoration  (Xarpeia),  but  only 
as  a  reverential  homage  {7rpoaKvvrjai<;  Tt/jLrjriKri),  a  distinction 
upon  which  a  refined  polytheism  could  have  been  justified, 
and  which  the  mass  of  the  people  did  not  make.^ 

3  The  conclusions  of  the  seventh  oecumencial  council  did 
not,  however,  permanently  settle  the  controversy  in  the 
Byzantine  empire.  The  iconoclastic  party  revived  again, 
and  acquired  power  once  more.  After  two  emperors  who 
favored  image-worship,  the  Iconoclasts  at  Constantinople, 
who  had  still  maintained  themselves  there  as  a  party,  and 
who  believed  that  the  political  misfortunes  of  these  two 

1  The  Acta  arc  in  Mansi  Tom.  XII.  O.-il  —  XIII.  820. 

2  The  council  made  the  distinction  in  the  following  language  :  "H  y^  ttjs 
(Mvos  TifXT)  M  rh  irpwrdrvvov  Siafialvti'  Kol  6  irpoaKVvwv  rijv  dndfa  irpocrKvvii  iv 
avrfj  Tov  iyypatpojxivov  ri)v  virdaTaaiv. 

3  This  part  of  the  hi.story  of  tlie  Image  controversy  clironologioally  falls  into 
the  next  period  ;  hut  the  historical  connection  is  hetter  pix'served  hy  giving  this 
phort  remainder  of  the  suhject  here.     Compare  Neandcr  III.  530-551. 


§  109.       IMAGE    CONTROVERSIES.  69 

emperors  were  at  once  a  judgment  upon  their  opponents, 
and  a  proof  of  the  correctness  of  their  own  cause,  found 
upon  the  throne  an  emperor  of  their  own  way  of  thinking. 
Leo  V.  the  Armenian  (813-820),  confirmed  in  his  opinion 
by  a  selection,  which  he  had  asked  from  John  Grammaticus, 
from  the  writings  of  the  older  church-fathers  respecting 
image-worship,  proposed,  at  first,  to  diminish  the  number 
of  images,  in  accordance  with  the  desire  of  many  Icono- 
clasts in  his  native  country,  Armenia.  But  the  remon- 
strances of  the  patriarch  Nicejjhorns  of  Constantinople,  and 
the  still  more  vigorous  opposition  of  the  highly  respected 
abbot  Theodorus  Sludita '  of  Constantinople,  and  his  monks, 
checked  the  emperor,  until  the  representations  of  the  Icono- 
clasts, that  the  words  in  Isaiah  xl.  18  :  '  To  whom  will  ye 
liken  God,'  read  in  public  worship  upon  a  certain  occasion, 
were  a  voice  from  heaven  calling  upon  him  to  destroy  the 
worship  of  idols,  induced  him,  in  814,  to  take  more  active 
measures.  In  815  Nicephorus  was  deposed  on  account  of 
his  persistent  opposition  to  the  emperor,  and  a  new  patri- 
arch, Theodotus  Cassiteras,  a  descendant  of  Constantine 
Copronymus,  was  appointed,  and  a  synod  convened  in  the 
same  year  at  Constantinople  forbade  image-worship.  But 
the  monks  persisted  in  its  defence.  No  means  whatever 
could  silence  Theodore  Studita,  in  particular.  Theodore 
renounced  church  fellowship  with  the  Iconoclasts,  even 
broke  off  all  intercourse  with  them,  and  neither  scourging, 
nor  chains,  nor  repeated  exile,  could  overcome  his  fixed 
opposition  to  the  emperor. 

Leo  at  last  fell  a  victim  to  a  political  conspiracy,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Michael  II.  the  Stammerer  (820-829),  an 
enemy  to  Leo,  and  who  had  been  cast  into  prison  by  him. 
Machael  was  also  an  enemy  of  image-worship,  and  hardl^" 
less  so  than  Leo,  and  probably  a  rejector  of  some  essentials 
of  the  Christian  system  (for  example,  the  doctrine  of  a 
resurrection,  and  of  the  devil).     Yet  upon  political  grounds 

1  Born  759  ;  died,  after  a  four  years'  exile,  in  826.  He  was  the  head  of  the 
celebrated  cloister  of  Studites  at  Constantinople,  and  has  left  letters,  sermons, 
and  dogmatical  and  ascetical  writings. 


70  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

he  sought  to  reconcile  the  opposing  parties,  and  allowed 
the  private  worship  of  images.  But  this  did  not  satisfy  the 
image-worshippers,  who  disseminated  exagger^-ted  reports 
concerning  the  emperor's  heretical  opinions,  which  attracted 
so  much  notice,  particularly  in  the  Romish  church  where 
image-worship  was  still  protected,  that  the  emperor  thou'ght 
it  necessary  to  send  a  justification  of  himself  to  the  Roman 
pope  Paschalis  L,  and,  in  order  to  obtain  a  favorable  recep- 
tion for  it,  to  send  an  embassy  to  Louis  the  Pious.  The 
consequence  of  this  was,  that  image-worship  now  assumed 
a  most  superstitious  and  absurd  form,'  so  that  the  successor 
of  Michael,  Theophiliis  (829-842),  felt  constrained  by  his 
genuine  religious  feeling  to  pursue  an  unsparing  course; 
and  an  imperial  edict  in  830  strictly  forbade  any  use  of 
images,  either  in  public  or  private  worship.  But  this 
triumph  of  the  Iconoclasts  was  of  short  duration.  The 
emperor  died  in  842,  leaving  the  government  in  the  hands 
of  his  queen  Theodora,  a  zealous  image-worshipper,  and 
her  son  Michael  a  minor,  whose  two  guardians  Theoctiscus 
and  Manuel  were  also  image-worshippers.  A  new  patriarch, 
Methodius,  was  appointed,  a  synod  of  Constantinople  re- 
affirmed the  decisions  of  the  seventh  oecumenical  council, 
and  upon  Feb.  19,  the  first  Sunday  of  Lent  in  842,  the 
images  were  carried  in  splendid  procession  and  restored  to 
the  cathedral  church  in  Constantinople.  Ever  since,  the 
Greek  church,  at  first  in  memory  of  the  restoration  of  image- 
worship,  and  afterwards  in  memory  also  of  all  the  patriarchs 
and  emperors  that  had  been  zealous  for  orthodoxy,  has  ob- 
served the  first  Sunday  of  Lent  as  the  Feast  of  Orthodoxy 
(fj  KvpiaKt]  tt}?  o/3^oSo^/a9,  r)  7rav7]yvpt,'i  tt}?  op^o^o^ias). 

The  Western  Church  was  also  involved  in  the  Image 
controversy. 

In  the  Roman  church,  after  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  a  revolution  took  place  in  the  mode  of  thinking  and 

'  Hymns  were  chanted  luforc  imn^es  ;  they  were  taken  as  god-fatliers  in 
baptism ;  the  paint  upon  tliem  was  mixed  with  the  sacramental  wine  ;  tlic 
sacramental  bread  was  placed  in  t!ie  band  of  an  inuigc,  to  make  it  a  communi- 
cant, etc. 


§  109.       IMAGE    CONTROVERSIES.  71 

feeling;  and  one  token  of  this  was  a  superstitious  rever- 
ence for  images.  Leo  the  Isaurian  engaged  in  a  spirited 
correspondence  upon  the  subject  with  Pope  Gregory  II. 
(715-731).  This  pope,  and  his  successor  Gregory  III. 
•(731-741),  declared  the  Iconoclasts  to  be  heretics ;  and  the 
Greek  emperors,  though  ready  enough  to  do  so,  could  not 
chastise  them  for  this.  The  seventh  oecumenical  council 
found  a  supporter  in  pope  Hadrian  I.  (772-795). 

In  the  Frankish  church,  on"  the  other  hand,  the  views  of 
Gregory  the  Great  were  generally  prevalent.  The  subject 
of  images  was  discussed  at  an  assembly  at  Gentilly  in  767, 
occasioned  by  an  embassy  from  Constantine  Copronymus 
to  king  Pepin,  but  nothing  is  known  of  the  decision  there 
made.  The  first  reliable  accounts  proceed  from  the  time 
of  Charlemagne.  This  emperor,  upon  receiving  the  decrees 
of  the  seventh  oecumenical  council,  caused  a  special  work 
to  be  prepared  for  the  refutation  of  them,  which  was  sent 
forth  in  790,  in  his  name,  and  by  his  authority.  This  work 
—  the  so-called  Zrf6n  CaroUni  ^  took  the  position  that  no 
kind  of  worship  should  be  offered  to  images,  but  that  the 
Greek  Iconoclasts  erred  in  excluding  them  altogether  from 
the  churches.  On  the  contrary  they  should  be  permitted  to 
remain,  as  the  remembrancers  of  sacred  objects,  as  the 
means  of  awakening  religious  feeling  and  imparting  instruc- 
tion particularly  to  rude  minds,  and  lastly  as  appropriate 
ornaments  of  the  sacred  edifice.'  The  synod  of  Frankfort- 
on-the- Maine  in  794,  at  which  a  papal  legate  presided,  made 
a  decision  in  conformity  with  these  positions.  Charle- 
magne sent  the  decision,  and  the  Libri  Carolini,  to  pope 
Hadrian  II.  for  his  approval ;  but  the  pope  composed  a 
refutation  of  the  "  Caroline  Books"  which,  however,  was 
too  feeble  to  make  an  impression  upon  the  Frankish  church. 

1  The  Libri  Carolini  were  composed  chiefly  hy  Alcuin,  and  arc  characterized 
by  pure  Christian  feeling,  with  strong  opposition  to  superstition,  and  to  the 
Byzantine  adulation  of  the  emperors.  They  also  exhibit  a  noteworthy  historical 
criticism  in  reference  to  the  legend  concerning  the  picture  of  Christ  sent  to  king 
Abgarus.  While,  however,  they  oppose  the  worship  of  images,  they  strongly 
advocate  the  use  of  the  sign  of  tlie  cross,  and  of  saint-relics.  Edited  by  Du 
Tillet,  1549,  and  Heumann,  Hanov.  1731. 


72  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

The  embassy  of  Michael  the  Stammerer  to  Lewis  the 
Pious  occasioned  new  discussions  respecting  image-worship. 
In  order  to  mediate  between  the  two  contending  parties  in 
the  Greek  church,  and,  if  possible,  to  draw  off  the  Roman 
church  from  a  superstitious  worship  of  images,  the  emperor 
Lewis  urged  the  pope  Eugenius  II.  (824-827)  to  authorize 
another  investigation  of  the  subject,  and  with  the  pope's 
assent  the  matter  was  devolved  upon  a  synod  at  Paris  in 
825.  The  synod  drew  up  its  decrees '  entirely  in  accord- 
ance with  the  views  of  the  Prankish  church  as  enunciated 
in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  and  appointed  two  bishops 
{Jeremiah  archbishop  of  Sens,  and  Jonas  bishop  of  Or- 
leans) to  lay  them  before  the  pope,  with  the  particular 
charge  not  to  irritate  the  "  pertinacia  Romana."  Respect- 
ing the  result  of  these  discussions  -^^e  know  nothing,  except 
that  the  Roman  and  Prankish  churches  continued  to  adhere 
each  to  its  previous  position.  Through  the  whole  of  the 
ninth  century,  and  after,  the  German  church  adhered  to  the 
same  position  with  the  Prankish  ;  but  the  popes  found  it 
expedient  to  pass  a  milder  judgment  upon  this  deviation 
from  Roman  orthodoxy,  in  this  instance,  than  in  that  of  the 
Greek  church. 


§  110. 
DOGMATICO-mSTORICAL   SURVEY. 

As  the  system  of  Christian  doctrine  had  been  formed,  as 
to  its  essentials,  in  the  first  three  centuries,  and  had  been 
put  into  an  authorized  creed-statement  during  the  contro- 
versies that  arose  from  the  fourth  to  the  sixth  century,  it 
only  remained  for  the  theologians  of  this  period  to  investi- 
gate particular  points.  As  a  consequence,  the  dogmatic 
thinking  of  this  period,  and  also  of  the  next  succeeding,  — 
both  of  which  constitute   the    period  of  transition  to  the 

1  In  Mansi  Tom.  XIV.  415  sq. 


§    110.      DOGMATICO-HISTORICAL    SURVEY.       '  73 

later  and  full-formed  Scholasticism,  —  exhibits  a  fragmen- 
tary character  and  aspect.  Only  three  points  of  doctrine 
came  up  for  consideration. 

1.  In  the  preceding  period,  the  Occidental  doctrine  of  the 
procession  of  the  Holy  Spirit  from  Father  and  Son  had  been 
distinctly  enunciated  at  the  council  of  Toledo,  in  589.  This 
,  was  still  the  received  doctrine  at  the  West,  but  was  becom- 
ing a  standing  subject  of  dispute  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  churches.  There  had  been,  indeed,  some  attempts 
to  harmonize  the  dogmatic  differences  between  the  Latin 
and  Greek  churches  by  middle  positions.  Greek  writers 
had  spoken  of  a  procession  of  the  Spirit  from  the  Father 
though  the  Son,  and  of  the  Spirit  as  sent  by  the  Son,  etc., 
and  Augustine  had  represented  the  procession  of  the  Spirit 
as  principaliter  a  patre.  John  of  Damascus,  the  principal 
theologian  of  the  Greek  church,  though  handling  the  sub- 
ject of  the  procession  of  the  Spirit  in  accordance  with  the 
Greek  theory,  did  so  in  a  moderate  form  and  manner.  The 
Father,  he  taught,  is  the  causa  efficiens  in  the  triad,  and 
the  being  of  the  Spirit,  as  well  as  of  the  Son,  is  grounded  in 
him  ;  although  the  Father  has  imparted  all  to  the  Son,  and 
the  Father  has  wrought  all  through  the  Son  ('EKSoai<;,  Lib. 
I.  c.  7,  8,  12).  Under  these  circumstances,  therefore,  it  was 
natural  that  the  formal  addition,  by  the  Western  church,  of 
filioque  to  the  venerated  oecumenical  symbol  of  Nice  and 
Constantinople,  should  look  like  a  suspicious  innovation, 
and  should  occasion  much  offence  and  collision.  Notwith- 
standing the  Greek  opposition,  the  Western  doctrine  was 
reaffirmed  at  the  synod  of  Gentilhj  in  767,  and  especially  at 
the  council  of  Friaul  (Forum  Juleii)  in  796.  At  this  latter 
council,  Paulinns  of  Aquileia  maintained,  in  opposition  to 
the  Greek  objection  that  no  addition  should  be  made  to 
an  ancient  and  oecumenical  symbol,  that  the  examination 
and  completion  of  an  original  document,  in  accordance 
with  the  needs  of  a  particular  age  and  with  reference  to 
new  errors  that  are  rising,  was  allowable,  and  that  the  sup- 
plementing of  the  creed  in  the  present  instance  was  as 
justifiable  as  the  additions  that  were  made  to  the  Nicene 
7 


74  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

symbol  by  the  council  of  Constantinople.  Finally,  Charle- 
magne caused  the  ancient  creed,  with  the  addition  of  ihe 
Occidental  clause,  to  be  solemnly  adopted  at  the  council  of 
Aix  la  Chapelle  in  809,  and  sent  the  decision  to  pope  Leo 
III.  The  pope  declared  the  added  clause  (filioque)  to  be 
doctrinally  correct,  though  he  would  confine  the  use  of  it  to 
the  province  of  theological  polemics,  and  presumed  that  the 
council  of  Constantinople  liad  not  omitted  it  without  the 
guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.^  At  the  request  of  Charle- 
magne, Alcuin  and  TJieodulph  of  Orleans  defended  the  Oc- 
cidental statement  upon  dogmatic  and  historico-dogmatic 
grounds. 

2.  Respecting  the  doctrine  of  the  Person  of  Christ,  the 
results  that  had  been  reached  in  the  preceding  periods  were 
reaffirmed,  in  opposition  to  the  new  forms  which  the  old 
errors  had  assumed,  —  INIonothelitism  (§  lOG)  being  a  revival 
of  Monophysitism,  and  Adoptianism  (§  107)  of  Nestori- 
anism. 

3.  The  doctrine  of  the  Loi'cTs  Supper  had  been  maintained 
in  its  essential  features  in  the  preceding  centuries,  without, 
however,  being  presented  in  a  technical  form.  During  this 
period,  within  the  Greek  Church  two  views  of  this  s:Krament 
came  into  conflict  with  each  other,  —  the  one,  that  of  the 
Constantinopolitan  council  of  Iconoclasts,  held  in  754  in 
the  reign  of  Constantine  Copronymus,  and  the  other,  that 
advocated  by  the  council  of  Image-worshippers,  held  at 
Nice  in  787,  and  also  by  John  of  Damascus.  In  order  to 
show  that  no  other  sensuous  representation  should  be  made 
of  Christ,  than  that  which  he  himself  had  offered  in  the 
Eucharist,  the  Iconoclastic  council  of  754  declared  that 
Christ  upon  the  eve  of  his  passion  had  given  this  sacrament 
as  the  most  vivid  image  and  memorial  of  his  person  (xyTro? 
Kol  iimiJ.uT](Ti<;),  calling  the  body  of  Christ  in  the  consecrated 
bread  a  represented  body  (Secret  aw/^a),  distinguishable  from 
the  natural  body  (/cara  (})V(tiv),  at  the  same  time  denomina- 
ting the  bread  after  its  consecration  a  ^hov  (jo)/ia.     To  this 

•  Mansi  Tom.  XIV.  17  sq. 


§    110.       DOGMATICO-HI^TORICAL    SURVEY.  75 

view,  the  later  council  of  Image-worshippers,  at  Nice  in  787, 
objected  that  it  was  incorrect  to  denominate  the  eucharis- 
tic  emblem  an  image,  after  its  consecration.  Previous  to 
consecration  it  was  indeed  an  emblem ;  but  after  consecra- 
tion it  was  in  the  strictest  sense  the  body  of  Christ.  This 
view  was  maintained  still  more  elaborately  by  John  Damas- 
cene. Bread  and  wine,  he  said  {^'EKBoaa  IV.  13,  and 
Oratio  III.  De  imaginibus),  are  not  merely  symbols  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ.  God  comes  down  to  the  weak- 
ness of  mortal  men,  and  through  the  natural  imparts  the 
supernatural  itself;  the  body  of  Christ  in  the  Eucharist  is 
the  real  body  that  was  united  with  deity,  not  in  the  sense 
that  the  body  of  Christ  descends  from  heaven,  whenever 
the  sacrament  is  celebrated,  but  the  bread  and  wine  are 
changed  {fieTairoiovvraL)  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.' 

1  The  M'ord  /xeTa-n-oiowTai  was  purposely  employed  to  denote  a  change  that 
was  less  than  transubstantiation.  The  bread,  according  to  Damascene,  is  united 
with  deity,  but  in  such  a  manner  that  two  natures  still  remain. 


CHAPTER  SECOND. 

SECTS. 

§    111. 

PAULICIANS. 

Photius;  Adversus  Paulinistas  sc.  recentiorcs  Manichacos  lib.  IV.  (in 
Wolf's  Anccdota  Gracca  Tom.  I.  II.,  and  in  Gallandi  Bibliothcca  Tom.  XIII.) ; 
Pctrus  Siculus  (about  870)  Ilistoria  Manidiacorum  (Ed.  Radcr.  Injrolst. 
1604,  and  Greselcr  Getting.  1845;  Winerund  E  ntre  Ih  ard  t's  Journal  Bd. 
VII.;  Schmidt  Historia  Paulicianorum  orientalium ;  Gieseler,  Unter- 
suchung.  etc.,  in  Studien  und  Kritikcn,  1829. 

This  period  produced  a  new  and  remarkable  sect,  out  of 
old  elements  from  a  preceding  time.  From  the  remnants 
of  the  Gno.-^tico-Manirhacan  parties  in  Syria  and  Armenia 
(Ancient  Church,  §  9o),  which  had  survived  all  the  varied 
persecutions,  the  sect  of  Paulicians  sprang  in  the  seventh 
century. 

The  Gnostic  and  Manichaean  basis  of  Paulicianism  is 
sufiicently  apparent  Their  doctrine  of  two  eternal  princi- 
jiles  and  of  a  Demiurge,  and  their  theory  of  redemj)tion,' 
evinced  their  connection  with  the  earlier  Gnostico-Mani- 
chaean    sects.      With    these    general    elements    and    ideas 

'  The  distinction  l)Ctwct'n  a  Dcmiurpc.  the  author  of  the  sensible  cn-afion  and 
of  Judaism,  and  the  perfect  Gotl,  from  whom  only  the  spiritual  world  and  Cliris- 
tianity  proceed,  they  reganled  n.s  the  characteristic  doctrine  of  their  sect.  In 
onler  to  deliver  man  from  the  dominion  of  the  nemiiirp.>,  and  raise  him  to  per- 
fect freedom,  the  Kcdecmer  appeared,  and  in  a  bwly  of  a  higher  and  more  ethe- 
real substance  than  tliat  of  matter. 


§  111.       PAULICIANS.  77 

borrowed  from  the  dualistic  theories  of  Gnosticism  and 
Manichaeism,  which  by  the  aid  of  an  allegorizing  exegesis 
and  under  the  influence  of  their  dogmatic  idealism,  they 
carried  over  into  that  portion  of  the  Scriptures  which  they 
accepted,'  the  Paulicians  united  a  professedly  biblical  mys- 
ticism, that  opposed  itself  to  the  ceremonies  and  worship  of 
the  dominant  church,^  and  to  the  historical  Christianity  as 
embodied  in  the  ancient  symbols ;  while,  at  the  same  time, 
they  endeavored  to  introduce  the  actual,  or  supposed  in- 
stitutions of  the  apostolic  churches;  and  particularly  of  the 
Marcionizing,  or  early  Pauline  (in  the  sense  of  Anti- 
Petrine)  churches.  In  the  practical  working  of  their  system, 
however,  they  were  less  anxious  to  establish  the  validity 
of  their  Gnostico-Manichaean  dogmatics,  than  to  oppose 
the  many  errors  and  superstitions  of  the  existing  catholic 
church,  and  to  restore  a  church  purified  in  accordance  with 
the  Biblical  teachings. 

Their  name  they  derived,  probably  not  from  any  particu- 
lar one  of  their  leaders,  but  from  the  Apostle  Paul  himself, 
—  whose  name  might,  however,  naturally  be  a  favorite  one 
with  their  leaders  generally.  They  claimed  to  be  the  true 
Pauline  Xpia-roiroXlTai,,  in  distinction  from  the  'Pco/jbaioi,  the 
dominant  church,  or  adherents  of  the  Petrine  state-religion. 
This  supposition  respecting  the  origin  of  their  name  is 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  their  leaders  assumed  the  name 
of  Paul's  companions,  —  as  Sylvanus,  Titus,  Timothy ^  etc., 
and  that  their  principal  settlements  were  called  after  the 
places  that  are  mentioned  in  Paul's  journeys,  —  as  Mananalis 
Achaia,  Eibossa  Macedonia,  Mopsuestia  Ephesus,  etc. 

According  to  the  somewhat  mythically  sounding  account 
of  Photius,  the  sect  owed  its  origin,  and  its  name  also,  to 

1  They  rejected  the  Old  Testament  entirely ;  made  appeal  to  the  New  Testa- 
ment alone,  especially  to  the  teachings  of  Christ,  accepting,  however,  only  the 
gospels  of  Luke  and  John,  and  rejected  the  epistles  of  Peter  as  the  writings  of 
a  false  apostle. 

2  They  rejected  the  worship  of  images,  of  the  cross,  of  saints  and  relics,  de- 
nounced fasts,  monachaism,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  perpetual  virginity  of  Mary, 
and  also  abolished  the  priesthood  and  the  outward  observance  of  the  two  sacra- 
ments. 


78  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

two  brothers  Paul  and  John  of  Samosata,  who  lived  about 
the  year  350,  the  sons  of  a  Gnostic  or  Manichaean  woman 
named  Callinice.  It  is  historically  certain  that,  sometime 
after  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  the  Paulicians  had 
for  a  leader  an  able  man  named  Constantine,  who  lived  not 
far  from  Samosata,  in  a  Syrian  village  called  Mananalis. 
This  person  having  received  a  copy  of  the  gospels  and  of 
the  Pauline  Epistles  from  a  catholic  deacon,  was  led  by  the 
study  of  them  to  purify  his  Manichaean  theories,  and  to 
enliven  them  with  a  more  practical  spirit.  Then  assuming 
the  name  of  Si/lvanus,  he  labored  with  great  zeal  for  twenty- 
seven  years  (perhaps  from  657-684)  as  the  head  of  the  sect 
at  Eibossa  in  Armenia.  He  was  at  length  stoned  to  death 
by  Simeon,  an  officer  who  had  been  sent  to  persecute  the 
Paulicians  by  the  emperor  Constantine  Pogonatus ;  but  the 
officer  himself,  after  a  few  years,  was  converted  to  Pauli- 
cianism,  and  became  the  head  of  the  sect  under  the  name 
of  Titus.  A  new  persecution  under  the  emperor  Justinian  II. 
brought  Simeon  and  many  others  to  the  stake.  One  of  the 
principal  members  of  the  sect,  Paulus  by  name,  escaped, 
and  labored  with  such  zeal  and  success  that,  according  to 
one  statement,  the  sect  first  received  its  name  from  him. 
The  emperor  Leo  the  Isorian  (717  f)  showed  favor  to  the 
Paulicians,  because  of  their  opposition  to  image-worship, 
and  superstitious  observances  generally.  He  summoned  to 
Constantinople,  more  for  show  than  from  earnest  purpose, 
Gcg-naesius  named  Timothy,  the  elder  son  of  Paulus  and  the 
head  of  the  sect,  in  order  that  he  might  make  a  defence  of 
Paulieianism.  By  equivocal  declarations  and  explanations, 
—  the  sect  itself  not  being  distinguished  for  strict  truthful- 
ness, but  on  the  contrary  inclined  to  blend  illusory  theories 
with  deception  in  practice,  —  he  was  able  to  satisfy  the  pa- 
triarch respecting  his  own  orthodoxy  and  that  of  his  party, 
and  was  s  nt  back  under  the  safe  conduct  of  the  emperor. 
After  the  time  of  Gegnaesius,  the  Panlician  sect  was  dis- 
organized in  various  ways,  by  internal  dissension  and  cor- 
ruption, and  particularly  by  the  innuenee  of  many  teachers 
of  degenerate  character,  who  carried  to  the  last  extreme  the 


§  111.       PAULICIANS  79 

Paulician  opposition  to  the  Old  Testament  law  and  the 
Mosaic  ordinances  respecting  marriage.  About  the  year, 
801  the  Paulicians  found  a  very  able  and  energetic  leader 
in  Serg-ius  of  Galatia,  a  man  who  had  probably  been  educa- 
ted in  the  catholic  church,  and  whose  attention  had  been 
directed  to  the  Scriptures  by  the  remark  of  a  Paulician  wo- 
man, that  the  Bible  was  not  intended  for  the  priests  alone. 
He  became  deeply  interested  in  what  he  read,  received  the 
Pauline  doctrine,  and,  taking  the  name  of  Tychicus,  devoted 
himself  with  glowing  zeal  to  the  diffusion  of  practical  Chris- 
tian truth  and  to  the  promotion  of  a  simple  Christian  moral- 
ity, —  yet  not  without  a  mixture  of  self-exaltation  in  claim- 
ing to  be  the  Paraclete,^  and  being  so  regarded  by  his  sect. 
The  Paulicians  spread  rapidly  at  this  time,  the  sect  having 
been  transplanted  in  752,  by  the  command  of  Constantine 
Copronymus,  into  Asia  Minor  and  as  far  as  Thrace.  But 
even  during  the  lifetime  of  Sergius,  the  persecutions  of  the 
Paulicians  in  the  Greek  empire,  which,  since  the  time  of 
Leo  the  Isaurian  had  been  less  violent,  were  earnestly  re- 
newed by  the  emperor  Michael  Rhang-abe  (811-813),  and 
Leo  the  Armenian  (813-820)  ;  and,  after  his  murder  by  a 
catholic  in  835,  the  empress  Theodora  resolved  in  844  to  ex- 
terminate the  Paulician  name  by  a  general  persecution,^ 
which  was  to  close  the  series  of  enormities  which  the  sect 
had  been  enduring  for  nearly  two  hundred  years.  Driven 
by  this  persecution,  which  was  carried  out  with  the  direst 
cruelty,  from  the  East  Roman  Ejnpire,  the  Paulicians  wan- 
dered into  the  domains  of  the  Saracens,  were  welcomed  by 
them  as  the  natural  enemies  of  the  Greeks,  and  there, 
awaiting  a  happier  future,  founded  amongst  other  places 
the  strong  city  Tephrica.  From  this  point,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Carbeas,  who  had  once  been  a  general  in  the  Greek 


1  Not  the  Paraclete  in  the  sense  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  hoTvevcr,  but  of  an  enlight- 
ened teacher  promised  by  Christ  to  reform  the  corrupted  Christianity.  Neander 
III.  253. 

2  The  number  of  Paulicians  who  were  put  to  death  by  hanging,  beheading, 
drowning,  etc.,  is  stated  at  one  hundred  thousand  (Constantin  Porphyrog.  COQ- 
tinuat.  IV.  16,  p.  103,  Ed.  Par.). 


80  A.  D.  590 — 814.     history  of  doctrine. 

emperor's  service,  and  of  others  after  him,  the  Paulicians 
waged  an  unrelenting  warfare,  in  conjunction  with  the  Sar- 
acens against  the  bordering  Greeks.  Their  doctrine  struck 
root  as  a  fruitful  seed  that  was  to  germinate  in  succeeding 
centuries  (§  125). 


FOURTH  PERIOD  :    A.  D.  814-1073. 


SECTION  FIRST. 
The  Spread  of  Christianity. 

§  112. 

CHRISTIAN  MISSIONS    IN  NORTHERN    EUROPE. 

Adarai  Bremensis  Hist,  eccles.  praesertim  Bremensis  libb.  IV.  ;  and  De 
situ  Daniae  et  reliquarum,  quae  trans  Daniam  sunt,  regionum  natura,  moribus  et 
religione.  Ed.  Fabricius  Hamb.  1706. 

The  earlier  attempts  by  missionaries  among  the  Fries- 
landers  and  Saxons  to  convert  the  Scandinavian  races, 
particularly  the  Danes,  and  also  the  endeavors  in  the  time 
of  Charlemagne  of  a  Jutland  noble  by  the  name  of  Gorm 
to  acquire  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  Christianity,  had 
been  without  much  effect  ;  and  the  occasional  efforts  to 
diffuse  the  gospel  from  the  Frankish  empire  had  been  hin- 
dered by  war.  It  was  not  until  the  reign  of  Lewis  the  Pious 
(914  f ),  that  the  political  relations  between  the  Franks  and 
Danes  became  more  friendly,  and  at  an  imperial  diet  at  At- 
tigny,  in  822,  the  archbishop  of  Ebbo  of  Rheims  was  chosen 
as  a  missionary  for  Denmark  and  northern  Europe,  and  con- 
firmed to  this  office  by  pope  Paschalis  I.  But  his  labors, 
too,  were  without  important  results,  and  it  was  only  in  con- 
sequence of  special  endeavors  of  the  emperor  Charlemagne, 
that  a  Danish  king  Harald  K/ag-  received  baptism  in  826  at 
the  imperial  castle  of  Ingelheim  near  Mayence.  The  emperor 


82      A.  D.  814 — 1073.     the  spread  of  Christianity. 

persuaded  him  to  take  back  a  missionary  with  him  to  Den- 
mark. The  abbot  Wala  of  Corvey,  on  the  Weser,  proposed- 
for  this  work  Anschar,  or  Ansgar,  a  pious  monk  and  head- 
master of  the  cloister  school,  who  joyfully  declared,  himself 
ready  to  undertake  the  dangerous  service.  Born  in  801,  ed- 
ucated until  his  fifth  year  by  a  pious  mother,  after  a  period 
of  religious  indiiference  awakened  to  the  importance  of  in- 
visible and  eternal  realities,  first  by.  celestial  voices  sounding 
in  his  ears  in  dreams  and  visions,'  and  then  by  the  start- 
ling intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  great  emperor  Charle- 
magne, inwardly  pointed  to  the  missionary  work  by  new 
and  still  more  remarkable  visions,  —  Anschar  had  already  in 
the  cloister  given  proofs  of  persevering  diligence,  earnestness 
in  prayer,  and  meek  and  enduring  charity,  and  he  now  made 
special  preparation  by  prayer  and  study  of  the  Scriptures 
for  the  new  work  assigned  him.  In  the  year  826,  after  en- 
during many  hardships,  he  arrived  in  Denmark,  accompanied 
by  a  monk  Aitbcrt,  who  had  been  stimulated  by  his  example. 
But  shut  in  on  all  sides  by  obstacles,  he  could  not  do  much 
more  than  give  instruction  to  native  boys,  whom  he  pur- 
chased and  held  for  the  purpose,  in  order  to  train  them  up 
as  teachers.  His  first  Christian  school  was  founded  in  827, 
at  Hadeby  or  Schleswig.  Even  in  these  labors  he  was  in- 
terrupted in  829  by  the  expulsion  of  ^arald  from  his  king- 
dom, and  the  return  of  Aubert  to  Germany  on  account  of 
sickness ;  and  hence,  in  729,  he  gladly  seized  the  opportu- 
nity that  was  offered  to  carry  the  gospel  into  Sweden.  The 
care  of  the  Danish  mission  was  devolved  for  the  present 
upon  the  monk  Gislrmar. 

Sif:eden  had  already  obtained  some  knowledge  of  Chris- 
tianity, through  Christian  merchants  and  captives.  Lewis 
the  Pic>us  had  heard  of  the  desire  for  Christian  teachers  ex- 
pressed by  many  Swedes,  and  at  his  suggestion  Anschar 
went  to  Sweden,  accompanied  by  the  monk  Witniar  of  Cor- 

'  He  tJiouplit,  c.  p.,  that  he  was  sunk  in  n  marshy  fen  ;  companies  of  tlic  saints 
7)asscil  hy  him,  and  he  spread  out  liis  arms  lonpinply  after  them  ;  hut  tliey 
pointed  to  tlio  vanity  and  sin  in  him  which  rendered  him  unworthy  of  their 
lii'avi!ily  society. 


§  112.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    IN    NORTHRRN    EUROPE.        83 

bie  a  monastery  in  France.  While  on  their  way,  they  were 
plundered  of  everything  by  pirates.  Anschar  lost  all  his 
books,  thirty  in  number.  His  fellow-travellers  wished  to 
abandon  the  journey ;  but  Anschar  was  not  to  be  deterred. 
He  landed  at  Birka,  and  met  with  a  friendly  reception  from 
king  Berno,  and  a  fraternal  one  from  Christian  captives 
there.  A  provincial  governor,  named  Herigar^  became  a 
convert,  and  upon  his  own  estate  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
first  Swedish  church.  In  the  year  830,  Anschar  returned  to 
Germany,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  the  Swedish  mission 
upon  a  firmer  basis,  and  the  emperor  Lewis  now  carried  out 
the  design  which  his  father  had  formed  before  him,  and  estab- 
lished in  831,  under  the  authority  of  pope  Gregory  IV.,  the 
archbishopric  of  Hamburg  as  the  centre  of  northern  missions. 
Anschar  was  appointed  archbishop,  and,  together  with  Ebbo, 
was  formally  entrusted  with  the  Christianization  of  the  races 
of  northern  Europe.  Ebbo  deputed  in  his  place  his  nephew 
Ganzbert,  who  was  consecrated  a  bishop  under  the  name  of 
Simon,  and  sent  to  Sweden,  while  Anschar  reserved  for  him- 
self the  more  difficult  work  in  Denmark. 

In  Denmark,  the  powerful  king  Horick  for  a  long  time 
showed  great  enmity  towards  Christianity.  At  the  same 
time,  the  Normans  devastated,  first,  the  diocese,  and  after- 
wards (in  845)  the  city  of  Hamburgh  ;  and  Anschar,  to 
whom,  owing  to  the  poverty  of  his  diocese  the  cloister  of 
Thorault  in  Flanders  had  also  been  assigned  for  his  support, 
but  which  in  the  division  of  the  empire  amongst  the  sons 
of  Lewis  had  fallen  to  Charles  the  Bald,  and  by  him  was 
given  to  another  person,  took  refuge  on  the  estate  of  a  noble 
lady  of  Holstein,  from  whence  he  visited  his  wasted  diocese. 
By  uniting  the  bishopric  of  Bremen,  on  its  becoming  vacant, 
with  that  of  Hamburg,  Leiuis  the  German  at  length  bettered 
the  pecuniary  condition  of  Anschar,  who  now  devoted  him- 
self with  greater  zeal  than  ever  to  his  missionary  pro- 
jects in  northern  Europe.  By  means  of  presents,  and  fre- 
quently by  conducting  negotiations  for  him,  he  acquired  the 
entire  confidence  of  Horick,  and  although  the  king  did 
not  himself  accept  Christianity,  he  yet  allowed  Anschar  to 


84  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     spread  of  Christianity. 

found  a  church  in  Schleswig,  the  influence  of  which  was  of 
great  importance  for  the  further  spread  of  Christianity. 

In  Sweden,  meanwhile,  Gauzbert,  after  a  season  of  suc- 
cessful labor,  had  been  driven  out  in  845  by  an  uprising  of 
the  pagan  population.  Ardgar^  who  had  previously  been 
an  eremite,  was  sent  thither  in  851  by  Anschar,  and  labored 
with  some  results,  but  left  the  country  after  the  death  of 
his  patron  Herigar.  As  Gauzbert  refused  to  undertake  the 
Swedish  mission  again,  Anschar  took  charge  of  it  himself,  ac- 
companied by  Erimbert,  the  nephew  of  Gauzbert.  Though 
earnestly  recommended  by  Horick  to  the  Swedish  king 
Olaf,^  Anschar  was,  nevertheless,  received  inimicably  upon 
arriving  in  Sweden.  A  pagan  fanatic  had  instigated  the 
people  against  the  enemies  of  their  ancient  gods,  so  that 
they  set  themselves  in  violent  opposition  to  the  foreign 
deity  of  the  Christians,  and  were  for  choosing  another  new 
divinity  from  among  their  deceased  kings.  But  Anschar 
was  unwearied  in  labor  and  prayer,  and  at  length  a  popu- 
lar assembly  summoned  by  the  king  for  the  decision  of  the 
question,  at  which  some  Swedes  acknowledged  that  they 
had  been  saved  at  sea  by  the  god  of  the  Christians,  con- 
ceded the  liberty  of  preaching  Christianity,  and  of  founding 
a  church.  Anschar  now  left  Erimbert  in  charge  of  the  mis- 
sionary work  in  Sweden,  and  dedicated  the  rest  of  his  life, 
after  the  year  854,  to  the  conversion  of  the  Danes,  —  still 
retaining  his  bishopric  of  Hamburg  and  Bremen. 

Horick  11.  of  Denmark,  owing  to  the  influence  exerted 
upon  him  by  a  stadt-holder,  Havi,  who  was  inimical  to  the 
Christians,  did  not  inherit  the  friendly  sentiments  of  his 
father.  The  church  at  Schleswig  was  closed,  and  the  Chris- 
tian clergy  were  compelled  to  flee.  A  fortunate  change  in 
the  stadt-holdership  restored  the  previous  feeling  on  the  part 
of  the  king  and  government,  and  Anschar  again  carried  on 
his  labors  with  courage  and  energy.  While  he  did  not  for- 
get wants  that  were  near  by,  but,  notwithstanding  his  pov- 


1   Ilorick  wrote  sn)-inK  :  "  I  have  never  in  ray  wliolo  life  seen  so  good  a  man, 
and  huve  never  in  any  one  found  such  truthfulness." 


§    112.       CHIRSTIAN    MISSIONS    IN    NORTHERN    EUROPE.       85 

erty,  ransomed  captives,  built  cloisters,  and  founded  hospi- 
tals for  the  poor  and  sick,  still  less  did  he  neglect  the 
necessities  of  those  that  were  more  distant.  He  sent  mis- 
sionaries into  all  parts  of  Denmark,  training  up  native- 
born  Danes  for  this  purpose  in  preference  to  all  others,  and 
teaching  them  to  support  themselves  by  the  labor  of  their 
own  hands,  —  himself  setting  the  example  by  weaving  nets. 
Going  about  in  clothing  of  hair-cloth,  and  living  upon 
bread  and  water,  by  his  abstemiousness  he  provided  the 
means  of  support  for  his  messengers  to  the  heathen,  and  of 
making  presents  to  the  pagan  nobles.  Shortly  before  his 
death,  —  which  occurred  after  being  confined  to  his  bed  for 
four  months,  —  he  commended  with  paternal  love  the 
Northern  mission  to  the  German  king  Lewis,  and  to  the 
German  bishops  ;  and  with  fervent  prayer,  and  utterances 
of  love  toward  the  poor  who  stood  around,  and  unmeasured 
faith  in  the  divine  word,  and  strengthened  by  the  sacrament 
of  the  Supper,  he  departed  silently  and  gently  on  the  3d  of 
February,  865.^ 

The  work  which  Anschar  left  behind  him  could  not,  like 
that  of  Boniface,  —  to  whom  he  was  not  equal  in  the  power 
of  producing  external  results,  —  defy,  like  a  splendid  for- 
tress, the  storms  of  the  future ;  yet  in  conflict  with  great 
obstacles,  in  the  midst  of  great  toils,  and  with  humble  pa- 

1  His  earnest  desire,  cherished  from  boyhood,  to  die  a  martyrs  death,  was  not 
granted  him.  His  death  occurred  on  the  day  of  the  feast  of  the  purification  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  when  he  had  prepared  for  all  the  priests  and  the  poor  an  enter- 
tainment. The  day  and  night  previous  he  had  spent  mostly  in  conversation 
with  his  friends,  respecting  missions  among  the  heathen.  On  the  approach  of 
death,  he  joined  in  the  liturgy  and  penitential  psalms,  and  in  chanting  the  Te 
deum  laudamus  and  the  Athanasian  symbol,  and  then  partook  of  the  emblems 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord.  His  last  words  were  :  "  Lord,  remember  me 
according  to  thy  loving  kindness  !  Lord  be  merciful  to  me  !  Into  thy  hands  I 
commit  my  spirit ;  thou  hast  redeemed  me,  O  thou  faithful  God  !  "  Of  Anschar's 
writings  there  are  extant  only  a  letter,  and  the  life  of  Willehad  (§97).  For  his 
biography  see:  Vita  Anscharii  (in  Acta  Sanctorum  Febr.  Tom.  I.  p.  559,  and 
Pertz  Monument.  Tom.  II.  p.  698)  by  Rembert  his  successor;  Miinter 
Kirchengeschichte  von  Dauem.  u.  Norw. ;  Ncander  Denkwurdigkeiten  ; 
Reuterdahl  Ansgarius;  Kraft  Narratio  de  Ansgario  ;  Daniel  Ansgar 
das  Ideal  eines  Glaubensboten ;  K 1  i  p  p  e  1  Lebensbeschreibung  des  Erzbischofs 
Ansjrar. 


86      A.  D.  814 — 1073.     the  spread  of  Christianity. 

tience  and  self-denying  love  when  the  results. seemed  to  be 
small  and  discouraging,  he  consecrated  his  whole  life  to  the 
service  of  the  Lord/ in  laying  the  first  foundations  of  what 
was  finally  a  grand  structure,  and  his  work  was  abiding. 

The  inferior  force  and  activity  of  the  immediate  succes- 
sors of  Anschar,  the  unpropitious  circumstances  under  which 
they  labored,  and  the  incursions  of  the  Normans  into  the 
diocese  of  Hamburg-Bremen,  prevented  a  rapid  growth  of 
the  Scandinavian  Church.  Nevertheless,  in  the  course  of  this 
period,  it  came  to  be  firmly  and  generally  established. 

In  Denmark^  J^ing  Gurm  the  Elder  violently  persecuted 
the  Christians  until  the  emperor  Henry  /.,  about  934,  com- 
pelled him  to  Jtolerate  Christianity.  Schleswig  became  a 
dependency  of  the  German  empire,  and  a  Christian  colony 
was  sent  to  it.  The  excellent  Unni^  archbishop  of  Ham- 
burg and  Bremen,  when  upon  a  visit  to  Denmark,  endeav- 
ored unsuccessfully  to  render  king  Gorm  more  favorable  to 
Christianity;  but  he  succeeded  in  winning  over  to  his  cause 
Harald  Blaatand,  the  son  and  successor  of  Gorm  (941-991). 
After  an  unsuccessful  war  with  the  emperor  Otto  /.,  followed 
by  a  treaty  of  peace,  in  972,  very  favorable  to  the  Christian 
church,  Harald  received  baptism,  and  henceforth  labored  — 
in  connection  with  the  energetic  Adaldng-,  archbishop  of 
Hamburg  and  Bremen,  who  now  consecrated  several  bishops 
for  Denmark,  among  w^hom  was  the  zealous  Liafdiig  of 
Ripen  —  for  the  Christian  education  of  his  people  with  so 
much  zeal,  that  the  heathen  party,  and  his  own  son  Siveno 
their  favorite,  exasperate  d  by  his  course,  drove  him  from  the 
ihrone.  Sweno  (991-1014)  now  proceeded  to  destroy  ail 
Christian  institutions,  and  the  earnest  remonstrances  of  the 
archbishop  Libcatius  of  Hamburg  were  of  no  avail.  It  was 
not  until  towards  the  close  of  his  reign,  that,  owing  to 
political  considerations,  he  became  more  moderate,  and  even 
favorable  to  Christianity.     This  attitude  of  the  Danish  gov- 

'  Compare  Snxo  Grammntiru8(t  ulioiit  1204)  Ifist.  Danicac  liMi.  XVI. 
Ed.  Steiihaniu,s  Sov.  1644,  also  Ed.  Klotz.  IIiil.  1771  ;  Pontoppidan  An- 
nules  ccHcsiao  Daiiicae  diplomatici  IIuvii  17 11  ;  M  ii  n  t  c  r  Kirchcngcschichtu 
vou  Daucm.  u.  Norw. 


§112.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    IN    NORTHERN    EUROPE. 


87 


ernment  was  made  permanent  by  Sweno's  son  Canute  the 
Great  (1014-1035),  who  had  been  educated  in  the  Christian 
kingdom  of  England  conquered  by  the  Danes,  and  who  had 
married  Emma,  a  Christian  princess,  the  widow  of  the  Eng- 
lish king  Ethelred.  Canute's  favorable  feeling  towards 
Christianity  was  still  further  strengthened  by  a  pilgrimage 
to  Rome,  which  he  took  in  1027,  by  which  he  was  brought 
into  closer  connection  with  the  great  centre  of  western 
Christendom. 

In  Sweden,!  after  the  death  of  Anschar,  the  number  of 
Christians  quietly  increased,  without  much  external  change 
in  the  church.     The  archbishop  Unni  of  Hamburg,  recom- 
mended by  Harald  the  son  of  the  Danish  king  Gorm,  labored 
in   Sweden  with  success,  but  died  there  about  940.     His 
successors  sent  missionaries,  who  followed  in  his  footsteps. 
King  Olaf  Skautconnung  received  baptism  about  1008,  the 
first  Christian  king  of  Sweden,  and  founded  the  first  Swed- 
ish bishopric  at  Skara,  in  a  part  of  the  country  which  his 
heathen  subjects  surrendered  to  him  by  stipulation,  for  the 
establishment  of  Christian  institutions,  —  all  the  rest  of  the 
country  being   left  open  to   the  practice  of  any  religion. 
The  king^carried  out  his  missionary  plans  chiefly  by  the  aid 
of  English  clergymen  from   Norway.     Nevertheless,  pagan- 
ism continued  to  exist  for  a  long  time,  the  influence  of  an 
ancient  renowned  temple  at  Upsala  contributing  greatly  to 
its  support ;  and,  besides,  many  of  the  preachers  of  Chris- 
tianity, to  whom  the   natural  reverence  of  the   Swedes  for 
everything  of  a  religious  nature  afforded  the  opportunity  of 
proclaiming  the  truth  at  popular  assemblies,  were  wanting 
in  fidelity  and  zeal  (See  Adam.  Brem.  Hist.  Eccl.  Lib.  ii. 
c.  229).     Only  a  few  were  like  that  priest  of  the  above- 
mentioned  temple,  who,  directed  in  a  dream  to  the  God  of 
the  Christian,  and  by  him  healed  of  mental  blindness,  went 
through  the  land  unweariedly  proclaiming  the  nothingness 
of  idols,  and  the  omnipotence  of  the  Christian  deity,  —  an 

1  Ericixs  Olai  (a  clergyman  of  Upsala  in  the  fifteenth  century)  Historia 
Suecorum  ;ClaudiiOernhjalm  Hist.  Sueon.  Gothorumque  eccl. ;  G  e  i  j  e  r 
Schwcdens  Urgeschichte. 


88  814 1073.       THE    SPREAD    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

example  which  the  Christian  zeal  of  the  Swedish  bishop 
Adalward,  who  had  been  sent  from  Bremen,  made  good 
use  of.  At  length,  king  Inire  in  1075  prohibited  all  idol- 
worship,  and  enforced  the  prohibition. 

The  inhabitants  of  Norway,^  had  acquired  some  knowl- 
edge of  Christianity  while  engaged  in  their  predatory  wars, 
and  in  the  10th  century  many  of  their  leaders  attempted  its 
introduction  among  them.  The  first  Christian  king  of  Nor- 
way was  Hacon  the  Good,the  son  of  Harald  Haarfa^er  the 
first  sole  king  of  Norway.  Hacon  had  been  educated  in 
England,  and  had  received  baptism  there,  but  ventured  to 
observe  Christian  worship  only  in  secret  and  under  the  con- 
cealment of  artifice.  After  the  year  945,  he  proposed  to  his 
people  that  they  should  adopt  Christianity,  but  they  refused, 
and  even  compelled  the  king  himself  to  participate  in  one 
of  their  heathen  festivals.  The  king  now  conceived  the 
purpose  of  introducing  Christianity  by  force  ;  but  he  lost 
his  life,  about  the  year  969,  in  a  battle  with  foreign  enemies, 
dying  in  deep  contrition  for  his  momentary  denial  of  Christ, 
and  reconciled  with  his  people.  The  love  which  his  people 
cherished  towards  him  now  began  to  operate  favorably  for 
Christianity;  Soon  afterwards,  Norway  was  subjugated  by 
the  Danish  king  Harald  (in  967),  who  formally  introduced 
the  Christian  religion  in  975  ;  but  the  valiant  Norwegian 
chief  Hacon.,  whom  Harald  had  appointed  as  his  viceroy,  in 
his  wrath  shattered  in  pieces  all  Christian  institutions,  and 
broke  up  the  Danish  rule.  The  Norwegian  king  Olaf  Tri/gg-- 
weson  (995-1000)  again  put  an  end  to  the  confusion  and 
disorder  of  heathenism.  In  one  of  his  earlier  warlike  expe- 
ditions, Olaf  had  been  presented  by  Thanffbrand,  a  Bremen 
ecclesiastic,  with  a  shield  upon  which  the  figure  of  Christ 
was  embossed.  To  this  he  attributed  his  deliverance  in 
many  dangers ;  and,  having  succeeded  in  overcoming  and 
slaying  Hacon,  attended  by  Thangbrand,  he  proceeded  with 

'  Snorrc  Stiirlcson  (of  Irolnnfl,  t  1241)  Hcimskrinpla  Ed.  Schoning 
Iliifri.  1777  sq.  5  Vols.  fol. ;  triuislatcd  into  German  liy  Molinikc,  and  also  by 
Waclitcr.  This  is  a  collection  of  the  traditions  (Sagas,  Eddai)' respecting  the 
Norwegian  kings. 


§  112.      CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    IN    NORTHERN    EUROPE.       89 

great  zeal  to  establish  Christianity  throughout  the  kingdom. 
He  travelled  in  person  through  his  realm,  exhorting  his 
nobles  to  the  only  obedience  worthy  of  freemen,  and  urging 
them  to  become  the  knights  of  the  Almighty,  whose  Servant 
he  was  himself  proud  to  be,  and  who  had  made  them,  in- 
stead of  bondmen,  to  be  the  brethren  of  his  Son.  But,  by 
employing  force  and  cruelty  against  the  pagan  priests,  he 
weakened  the  impression  which  his  zeal  had  made  upon  the 
people,  and  paved  the  way  for  the  invasion  of  his  kingdom 
by  the  kings  of  Sweden  and  Denmark.  He  perished  in  bat- 
tle in  the  year  1000.  The  new  rulers  labored  neither  for  the 
suppression  nor  the  extension  of  the  Church  in  Norway.  In 
1017,  Norway  received  again  a  native-born  ruler  in  Olaf 
Haraldson,  and  he  completed  the  establishment  of  Christian- 
ity in  Norway,  by  founding  churches  and  schools,  with  the 
assistance  and  advice  of  bishops  and  priests  brought  from 
England,  —  although  by  his  unchristian  violence  and  des- 
potic severity,  which  were  the  natural  effects  of  his  vehement 
energy,  he  often  embittered  the  pagans  against  the  new 
religion.  He  organized  and  arranged  an  ecclesiastical  system 
for  the  natives,  with  the  cooperation  of  bishop  Grimkild. 
Nevertheless,  the  opposition  of  the  pagan  portion  of  the  pop- 
ulation resulted  in  getting  the  kingdom  into  the  hands  of 
Canute  the  Great.  Olaf,  already  on  his  way  to  Jerusalem, 
was  summoned  back  by  a  dream,  and  led  his  army,  their* 
shields  and  helmets  emblazoned  with  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
against  the  Danes.  He  fell  in  battle,  in  1033.  But  after 
his  death,  with  hatred  against  the  Danes,  new  love  for  Olaf 
arose  in  the  hearts  of  the  Norwegians.  They  now  wor- 
shipped hirh  as  a  martyr,  and  of  their  own  accord  insisted 
upon  the  wider  spread  of  Christiany,  and  its  permanent 
establishment.  This  previously  piratical  people  now  learned 
to  love  peace,  and  to  be  content  with  its  poverty  ('Adam. 
Brem.  de  situ  Danorum  c.  96). 

During   this   period,  Christianity  penetrated  also  into  a 
country  still  further  north.     The  island  of  Iceland^  though 

^Kristnisaga  Historia  religionis  Christianae  in  Isl.  introd.  (written  in  the 
fourteenth  century);  Finni  Johannaei  Hist.  eccl.  Islandiae ;  Miinter 
Geschichte  der  Einfiihrung  des  Christenthums  in  Danemark  and  Norwegen. 


90  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     spread  of  Christianity. 

perhaps  it  had  been  visited  stiU  earlier  by  Irish  monks,  had 
been  discovered  about  the  year  862  by  Norwegians,  and  soon 
after  was  occupied  by  a  Norwegian  colony.  In  981  a 
native  of  the  island,  Thonvald,  who  in  one  of  his  adven- 
turous expeditions  into  Saxony  had  been  baptized  by 
bishop  Frederick,  made  some  attempts  to  introduc-e  the 
Christian  religion  into  his  native  land,  being  accompanied 
thither  by  the  bishop.  Afterward  the  Norwegian  king  Olaf 
TrT/g-g-iceson,  about  the  year  996,  assisted  by  an  Icelander 
named  Stefne?;  endeavored,  though  without  permanent  re- 
sults owing  to  his  violent  methods,  to  Christianize  the  nation. 
About  the  year  1000,  two  enlightened  Icelanders,  named  Gis- 
sur  and  Hialti,  having  been  previously  banished  from  their 
country,  came  back  as  missionaries  from  Norway  into  their 
native  land,  and  soon  a  general  assembly  of  the  nation-,  com- 
posed of  representatives  of  both  the  pagan  and  the  Christian 
parties,  adopted  Christianity  as  the  national  religion,  for  the 
sake  of  peace.  After  this,  Christianity  continued  to  spread 
more  and  more,  although  with  a  remarkable  mixture  of  pagan- 
ism in  it,  under  the  influence  of  zealous  bishops  ;  and  Ice- 
landic ecclesiastics,  betaking  themselves  to  foreign  regions 
for  theological  education,  brought  back  with  them  the  rudi- 
ments of  theological  science. 

During  this  period,  about  the  year  1000,  Christianity  also 
passed  from  the  north  of  Europe  into  Greenland.  Gumb- 
jorn^  a  Norwegian  sea-captain,  had  discovered  at  a  distance 
the  mountainous  coast  of  Greenland,  in  877 ;  next  Eric  the 
Red,  an  Icelandic  freebooter,  made  a  full  discovery  of  the 
region  in  982;  and  his  son  Leif,  through  the  inducement  of 
the  Norwegian  king  Olaf  Tryggweson  having  received  bap- 
tism wilh  his  whole  ship's  company,  founded  a  Christian 
church,  at  Leif,  in  999.  Under  king  Olaf  Ike  Saint  (f  1033), 
the  church  at  Leif  was  greatly  strengthened,  and  Christianity 
was  extended  inio  the  southerly  districts  of  Greenland, 
Markkuuly  Ilclluland,  and  Vinland.  In  1055,  the  Green- 
landers  received  a  bishop  Albert  from  Hamburg- Bremen. i 

'   Tlic  connection  of  Grcculand  with  tlic  Cliristian  world  continued  without 


§  113.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    AMONG    THE    SCLAVES.         91 

k  113. 

CHRISTIAN  MISSIONS  AMONG  THE  SCLAVES.^ 

The  Christian  church  was  founded  during  this  period, 
among  many  important  Sclavonic,  or  Tartar- Sclavonic  races, 
and  missionary  undertakings  among  several  of  these  met 
with  great  success  in  the  very  outset.  Two  monks  of 
Constantinople,  Ci/ril  (previously  named  Constantine)  and 
Methodius  his  brother,-  in  the  ninth  century,  did  more  than  any 
others  towards  the  evangelization  of  the  Sclavonic  popula- 
tion, both  of  them  preaching  the  gospel  in  the  vernacular 
tongue,  Cyril  inventing  an  alphabet,  and  translating  the 
Bible  into  the  Sclavonic  language. 

The  Chazars,  originating  in  the  region  north  of  the  Cau- 
casus, and  from  the  ninth  century  onward  inhabiting  the 
Crimea  and  the  adjacent  country,  had,  through  their  wars 
with  the  Greeks,  and  in  other  ways,  obtained  some  knowl- 
edge of  Cliristianity,  and  being  disturbed  by  Jewish  and 
Mohammedan  proselytes,  asked  the  Greek  emperor  to  send 
them  a  missionary.  The  emperor  Michael  III.,  then  under 
the  guardianship  of  Theodora,  sent  Cyril  to  them,  probably 
about  the  year  848,  by  whose  preaching  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  people  were  led  to  receive  Christianity,  although 

interruption  until  the  fifteenth  century.  In  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
the  black  death  desolated  the  whole  country,  and  unusual  amounts  of  ice  rendered 
communication  with  Norway  exceedingly  difficult,  so  that  after  the  year  1410  all 
autiicntic  accounts  of  the  colony  in  Greenland  ceased.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  attempts  were  made  re-discover  the  ancient  Greenland,  —  first 
by  the  bishop  of  Frondheim  under  the  patronage  of  Christian  II.  of  Denmark  ; 
next  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  Frederick  11.  ;  then  again  in  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  by  Christian  IV.,  and  still  later  by  Fred^ 
erick  III.  and  Christian  V.  It  was  not  however  until  the  eighteenth  century, 
that  Christianity  was  revived  in  Greenland  by  the  Moravian  brethren. 

^   Ignatijevie  deTkalecDe  religione  Christiana  in  Slavis  introducta, 

2   Vita  Constantini,  by  a  contemporary,  in  Acta  Sanctorum   Mart.  T.  II.  p. 

1 9  sqq.     Compare   D  o  b  r  o  w  s  k  i    Cyrill  und   Method   der  Slawen  Apostel ; 

and  Mahr  Legende  von  Cyrill  and  Method;  Philaret    Cyrill  und  Metho- 

dius  die  Apostel  der  Slawen  (translated  from  the  Russian). 


92  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     spread  of  cHnisTiANiTv. 

in  the  tenth  century  we  find  that  many  of  the  Chazars  were 
Jews,  Mohammedans,  or  Pagans. 

The  Bulg-arians  in  Thrace,  on  the  western  borders  of  the 
Black  Sea,  originally  a  Tartar  people  from  the  region 
between  the  Caspian  and  Black  seas,  had  been  made  ac- 
quainted with  Christianity  by  Greek  captives,  and  particu- 
larly by  the  bishop  Manuel,  who  died  a  martyr  in  the  first 
half  of  the  ninth  century.  Many  of  them  professed  Christian-. 
ity,  but  were  compelled  to  seal  their  profession  with  mar- 
tyrdom. After  the  year  860,  the  condition  of  the  Christian 
Bulgarians  became  more  favorable.  The  sister  of  the  Bul- 
garian king  Bogoris,  having  been  converted  to  Christ 
during  her  long  captivity  at  Constantinople,  on  her  return 
from  captivity  endeavored,  with  the  assistance  of  Methodius, 
to  make  an  impression  upon  her  brother  in  behalf  of  the 
truth.  A  pinching  famine  in  his  realm,  and  then  a  repre- 
sentation of  the  last  judgment,  which  Methodius,  who  was  a 
painter,  had  painted  for  the  king,  instead  of  the  wild  hunting 
scene  he  had  desired,  inclined  Bogoris  to  listen  to  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel.  He  received  baptism  in  863,  under 
the  name  of  Michael,  and,  after  a  bloody  but  successful 
conflict  with  a  portion  of  his  heathen  subjects,  succeeded  in 
bringing  his  nation  over  to  Christianity.  But  the  arrival  of 
missionaries  of  Various  nationalities  and  characters, —  Arme- 
nian, German,  Greek,  and  Roman,  —  began  to  divide  and 
unsettle  the  people,  and  the  king  hesitated  whether  to  join 
himself  to  Constantinople  or  to  Rome.  The  greater  sim- 
plicity of  the  Roman  worship,  together  with  political  con- 
siderations, determined  him  to  the  Western  Christianity.  In 
865  he  entered  into  correspondence  with  pope  Nicholas  I., — 
a  step  that  resulted  afterwards  in  important  disputes  and 
quarrels  between  the  Greek  and  Latin  churches,  —  who  gave 
him  wise  and  Christian  advice,  approving  the  course  he  had 
pursued,  and  warning  him  against  overestimating  outward 
ceremonies,  and  exhorting  him  to  mildness  towards  his 
subjects,  and  forbearance  towards  his  enemies.  Nevertheless, 
in  the  end,  the  unwearied  efforts  of  the  CJreek  emperor  Basil 
the  Macciloiiian  prevailed,  and  the    Bulgarians  received  a 


§   113.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    AMONG    THE    SCLAVES.         93 

Greek  archbishop  and  bishops.  Under  the  reign  of  Bogo- 
ris,  Clement  (f  916),  a  pupil  of  Methodius,  labored  as  the 
archbishop  of  the  Bulgarians,  —  having  been  previously 
driven  out  from  the  Moravians  (see  infra). 

The  Moravians,^  made  subject  to  the  Prankish  rule  by 
Charlemagne,  but  afterv/ards  an  independent  and  powerful 
race,  dwelling  in  what  is  now  northern  Austria,  about  the 
middle  of  the  ninth  century,  under  the  lead  of  the  prince  Ra- 
dislaw,  or  Rastices,  joined  themselves,  from  political  reasons, 
to  the  Greek  church  ;  and  this  event  offered  an  opportunity 
for  sending,  in  853,  Cyril  and  Methodius  to  them  as  mission- 
aries, who  gave  them  preaching,  worship,  and  a  version  of 
the  Scriptures  in  their  own  Sclavonic  language.  Very  soon 
after  this,  however,  the  Moravians  seem  to  have  separated 
from  the  Greek  church  and  gone  over  to  the  Roman  ;  for,  in 
the  year  868  Cyril  and  Methodius  are  reported  to  have  made 
a  journey  to  Rome  at  the  invitation  of  the  pope.  Cyril  re- 
mained at  Rome  until  his  death,  and  Methodius  returned  to 
the  Moravian  church  as  its  archbishop.  Radislaw's  successor, 
Swatop/uck,  or  Zwentibold  (870),  at  first  showed  hostility 
towards  the  Christians,  but  afterwards  treated  them  favora- 
bly. The  neighboring  clergy  of  the  German  church,  who 
had  been  brought  into  connection  with  the  Moravians  through 
the  missionary  operations  of  the  archbishop  of  Salzburg,  now 
complained  to  the  pope  of  Methodius,  because  he  did  not 
use  either  the  Greek  or  Latin  language,  but  the  profane 
Sclavonic,  in  the  public  worship  ;  and  the  pope,/o/m  XIIL, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Moravian  church,  forbade  the  use  of  Scla- 
vonic in  the  mass,  but  allowed  it  in  the  sermon.  But  Me- 
thodius in  877  justified  his  course,  in  person,  at  Rome,  and 
received  from  the  pope  a  declaration  favoring  the  entire 
Sclavonic  ritual,  —  with  the  exception  that  the  gospel  should 
not  only  be  read  in  Sclavonic,  but  should  be  first  recited  in 
Greek  or  Latin  out  of  respect.  On  his  return  in  860,  how- 
ever, Methodius  fell  into  new  difficulties  with  the  German 
bishops  and  clergy.     These  latter  being  jealous  of  his  influ- 

^Pilarz  et  Morawetz  Moraviae  Hist-  eccl.  et,  pol. 


94      A.  D.  SI  I — 1073.     the  sprkad  of  Christianity. 

encc,  desired  to  establish'  an  independent  Moravian  arch- 
bishopric ;  and  gaining  influence  with  king  Swatopiuck, 
through  his  close  connection  with  Arnuiph  duke  of  Carna- 
thia,  and  afterwards  emperor  of  the  Germans,  they  sowed 
the  seeds  of  disunion  between  Methodius  and  his  sovereijrn. 
This  led  to  a  journey  of  Methodius  in  881  to  Rome,  and 
from  this  time  he  disappears  from  view.  The  Moravian 
kingdom  was  conquered  in  903,  and  partitioned  between 
Bohemia  and  Hungary,  and  under  the  new  dominion  the 
Sclavonic  ritual  continued  only  in  some  individual  churches. 
From  the  Moravians,  Christianity  extended  to  the  Bo- 
hemians,' a  people  who  had  stood  in  friendly  connection 
with  the  Moravians,  but  were  conquered  by  them  about  the 
year  890.  When  Borziwoi,  their  duke,  in  894  took  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  king  of  the  Moravians,  he  was  made 
acquainted  with  Christianity  by  Methodius,  and  received 
baptism.  Having  been  compelled  to  flee  to  the  Moravians 
by  his  pagan  subjects,  he  was  instructed  still  more  fully  by 
Methodius,  and  upon  returning  to  his  people  labored  ear- 
nestly in  founding  the  church  among  them.  Nevertheless, 
it  was  a  long  time  before  Christianity  became  dominant  in 
Bohemia.  After  the  death  in  952  of  Wratishiic,  the  succes- 
sor of  Borziwoi,  a  heathen  and  a  Christian  party  were 
engaged  in  violent  opposition  to  each  other.  At  the  head 
of  the  heathen  party  stood  Wratislaw^s  younger  son  Boles- 
law,  who  had  been  educated  as  a  pagan  by  his  mother 
Drahomira ;  and  at  the  head  of  the  Christian  party  stood 
Wcnzcslmo,  the  elder  brother  of  Boleslaw,  who  had  been 
educated  as  a  Christian  by  his  grandmother  Lndwilla,  the 
widow  of  Borziwoi.  Wenzeslaw  fell  hy  his  brother's  hiuid- 
in  938,  and  the  rule  of  Bukslaw  the  Cnief  restored  the  su- 
premacy of  heathenism.  An  unsuccessful  war  with  the 
German    emperor    Olto  I.  compelled    Boleslaw  to  make    a 

'CosmasPrnp:.  (til as )  Cliron.  Rnhcmor,  in  Rrript.  ror.  Bohom.  Tom. 
I.;  Do  liner  Ham-ki  nnnalos  Roliotn.  iliustniti ;  EjukU.  Moiiunicntn  lii.^l. 
nohcniiai;  ;   I'alacky  Cfi-sfhichtf  von  nilhnicn.  _ 

'  Vita  Sanct.  Ludniillao  ct  Sand.  Wenrchlai,  Acta  Sanctorum  Scjit.  T.  V. 
p.  351  ;  T.  VII.  J).  81>5. 


§  113.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    AMONG    THE    SCLAVES.         95 

peace  in  950,  one  of  the  conditions  of  which  was  the  resto- 
ration of  the  rights  of  the  Christians.  Under  the  reign  of 
his  son  Boleslaw  II.  the  Pious,  the  church  became  dominant, 
and  in  973  acquired  a  permanent  foundation,  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  bishopric  (afterwards  archbishopric)  of 
Prague,  —  the  pope  stipulating  for  the  introduction  of  the 
Romish  liturgy  ;  yet  the  complete  extirpation  of  heathenism 
was  only  gradual  and  slow. 

Fugitives  from  Moravia,  upon  the  downfall  of  that  king- 
dom, carried  the  seeds  of  Christianity  to  the  Poles.^  A 
further  knowledge  of  the  gospel  was  afterwards  imparted  to 
them  from  Bohemians.  The  Polish  duke  Miceslaiv,  influ- 
enced by  his  consort  Dambrowska,  a  Christian  princess  from 
Bohemia,  received  baptism  in  966.  He  both  recommended 
and  commanded  his  people  to  follow  his  example,  and 
founded  at  Posen  the  first  Polish  bishopric ;  to  which  were 
added,  in  the  eleventh  century,  the  archbishoprics  of  Gnesen 
and  Cracow.  The  Polish  church,  also,  favored  connection 
with  Rome. 

The  conversion  of  the  Russians,^  once  more  proceeded 
from  the  Greek  empire.  From  hence  they  had  obtained 
their  first  knowledge  of  Christianity,  and  soon  after  the 
middle  of  the  ninth  century  they  are  said  to  have  received 
a  Greek  bishop.  The  Greek  emperor  Basil  the  Macedonian 
(867-886)  continued  missionary  efforts  among  them  ;  yet 
the  hostile  relations  that  existed  between  the  Greeks  and  Rus- 
sians prevented  for  a  long  time  any  great  success.  Even  the 
baptism  of  the  grand  princess  Olga  (who  took  the  name  of 
Helena),  at  Constantinople  in  955,  and  who,  towards  the  close 
of  her  life,  ventured  to  employ  a  Christian  priest  only  secretly, 
did  not  determine  her  people  as  a  whole  for  Christianity ; 
but  her  uncle,  the  grand  prince  Vladimir,  in  his  search  for 
the  true  religion,  was  induced  in  980  to  receive  baptism 
(under  the  name  of  Basil)  and  Christianity  according  to  the 

^Ditmar  (t  1018)  Chronicon  ;  Mar  ti  ni  Gal  li  (about  1130)  Chrouicon 
Pol. ;  F  r  i  e  s  e  Kirchengeschichte  von  Polcn  ;  R  o  p  e  1 1  Geschichte  von  Polen. 

2  N  e  s  t  o  r  (about  1 1 1.3)  Annales  (to  1 1 10)  5  vols.  4to.  translated  into  German 
by  Schlozer.     S  t  r  a  h  1  Geschichte  der  russ.  Krche. 


96  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     spread  of  Christianity. 

Greek  ritual,  by  the  reports  which  his  embassy  to  Constan- 
tinople brought  back  respecting  the  splendor  of  the  Christian 
worship,  to  which  they  had  been  admitted  in  all  its  parts  in 
the  church  of  St.  So})hia.  Strengthened  in  his  new  views 
and  purposes  by  his  consort,  the  Greek  princess  Anna,  he 
invited  Christian  bishops  and  ecclesiastics  into  his  kingdom, 
and,  besides  many  bishoprics,  founded  the  archbishoprics  of 
Kieip  and  Novgorod.  His  people  now  presented  themselves 
on  the  banks  of  the  Dnieper,  and  received  baptism  with 
stolid  submission.  After  the  death  of  Vladimir  in  lOio,  his 
son  Jaroslaw  (1019-1054),  and  his  grandson  Isaslaw  (1054- 
1077),  completed  the  work  in  Russia  which  he  had  com- 
menced. The  monastery  at  Kievv,  from  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century  and  onward,  became  the  nursery  of  Russian 
literature,  as  well  as  of  Russian  bishops.  , 

The  Hungariani,y  originating  from  central  Asia  north  of 
the  Caucasus,  had  become  acquainted  with  Christianity, 
towards  the  close  of  the  ninth  century  and  onward,  through 
their  wars  with  the  people  bordering  upon  the  region  which 
they  now  inhabit.  The  first  efforts  towards  their  conversion 
proceeded  from  the  Greek  church.  Their  prince  Gyhis 
received  baptism  at  Constantinople  about  950,  and  the 
patriarch  sent  back  with  him  the  monk  Ilicrothcus  as  bishop. 
SaroUa  the  daughter  of  Gylas,  although  her  knowledge  of  the 
gospel  was  very  imperfect,  nevertheless  influenced  her  husband 
Gci/sa,  the  duke  of  Hungary  (972-998),  in  favor  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  and  under  his  auspices, the  active  missionary  efforts 
of  Pifgrim  bishop  of  Passau,  and  others,  the  Christian  church 
made  important  progress  in  Hungary.  It  finally  obtained  a 
firm  and  permanent  establishment,in  dependence  upon  Rdine, 
through  the  son  of  Gcysa,  Stephen  the  Saint  (997-1038), 
who  con(iuored  in  battle  the  large  pagan  party,  invited  eccle- 
siastics and  monks  into  his  kingdom  from  every  quarter,  and 
extended  Christianity  first  to  Trtinajfliunda  and  afterwards 
to    Wallachia.     During  the  political   convulsions  that    suc- 


'JohanncsdoThwrocz  Clironica  Ilungarorum  ;  M  a  i  1  a  t  h  Geschichto 
dcr  Maj,'}arcn. 


§  113.       CHRISTIAN    MISSIONS    AMONG    THE    SCLAVES.         97 

ceeded  the  death  of  Stephen,  from  1045  to  1060,  paganism 
made  spasmodic  attempts  to  recover  itself,  but  they  were 
quelled  by  force. 

The  Sclavonic- German^  or  Wendish^,  races  in  Northern 
Germany,  dwelling  on  the  Elbe,  Saal,  Havel,  and  Oder, 
made  persevering  resistance  to  all  Christian  efforts  and 
influences.  These  races  had  been  forced,  as  often  as 
Charlemagne  had  conquered  them,  to  receive  Christian 
institutions  ;  and  thus  a  steady  hatred  of  Christianity  was 
generated  by  the  compulsory  method  in  which  it  came  before 
them.  After  the  victory  over  the  people  by  the  emperor 
Henri/  I.,  the  emperor  Otto  I  established  among  them,  by 
royal  authority,  the  bishoprics  of  Havelburg  in  946,  of  Bran- 
denburg in  949,  of  Oldenburg,  and  about  968  the  still  more 
important  sees  of  Meissen,  Merseburg  and  Zeitz,  together 
with  the  archbishopric  of  Magdeburg.  But  a  general  upris- 
ing of  the  Wends  under  Mistiivoi,  in  983,  once  more  anni- 
hilated the  hopes  of  the  church  ;  and,  too  late  to  repair  the 
desolations  he  had  wrought,  Mistowoi  himself  returned  in 
deep  penitence  to  the  Christian  faith,  in  which  he  had  been 
educated.  Happier  times  seemed  to  be  coming  on,  when 
his  uncle  Gottschalk,  —  who  had  been  educated  as  a  Chris- 
tian at  Luneburg,  but  had  left  the  monastery  in  1038  in 
order  to  incite  his  people  to  rebellion,  though  afterwards 
becoming  a  sincere  believer,  —  ascended  the  throne  of  the 
great  Wendish  kingdom  which  he  had  succeeded  in  founding 
in  1047.  Gottschalk  caused  the  gospel  to  be  preached  to 
his  people  by  German  ecclesiastics,  he  himself  often  acting 
as  their  interpreter ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  increased  the 
number  of  bishoprics,  founding  those  of  Ratzburg  and  Meck- 
lenburg. But  soon  the  great  prince  of  the  Wends  fell  a 
sacrifice  to  his  Christian  zeal,  being  murdered  by  the  pagans 
at  Lentzen  on  June  9th,  1066.     All  Christian  institutions 


•  D  i  t  m  a  r  Chronicon  ;  Adam  of  Bremen  Hist.  eccl. ;  W  i  1 1  i  c  h  i  n  d 
(11000)  Annales  de  rebus  Saxonum  gestis;  He  1  mo  Id  Chron,  Slavorum  ; 
Giesehrecht  Wendische  Geschichten  aus  den  Jahren  780-1182  ;  Spie  ker 
KiiThentresphichtc  dor  Mark  Brandenburg;  "Wiggers  Kirchengeschichte 
Mecklenbur^s. 


98  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     spread  of  ciiristiamty. 

were  once  more  ruthless^ly  overthrown,  and  the  ancient 
altars  were  consecrated  anew  with  the  blood  of  Christian 
priests.' 

'  At  tlie  close  of  the  sketch  of  missions  among  the  Gothic  and  Scandanavian 
races,  the  followiii}^  resume  will  be  convenient :  Augustine's  term  of  missionary 
service  was  nine  years  (596-603);  and  liis  Held  of  lalwr  was  Enj^land  (Anf;lo- 
Saxons).  Colnmlxin's  term  of  &ervice  was  fifty  years  (590-640)  ;  and  his  fields 
of  labor  were  Burgundy,  Switzerland,  and  Northern  Italy.  Willibronrs  term  of 
ser\Mce  was  nearly  sixty  years  (680-739) ;  and  his  field  of  labor  was  Frioland 
Boniface's  term  of  service  was  forty  years  (715-753);  and  his  fields  of  labor 
were  Frieslaml,  Tlmringia,  and  Ilessia.  Anschar's  term  of  service  was  nearly 
forty  years  (820-865);  and  his  fields  of  labor  were  Deamaik  and  Sweden. 
—  Translator. 


SECTION   SECOND. 
Church  Polity. 

§114. 
THE  PAPAL  CONSTITUTION. 

The  idea  of  the  Papacy,  which  had  been  formed  in  the 
preceding  period,  came  so  near  to  a  complete  and  universal 
realization  during  this,  period,  that  the  Papal  constitution 
and  laws  were  set  forth  in  a  new  book  of  ecclesiastical  law. 
This,  on  the  one  hand,  maintained  the  church's  independence 
of  the  state  and  the  dignity  and  inviolability  of  the  clerical 
power  ;  and  upon  the  other,  inculcated  the  supremacy  of  the 
Roman  church  over  all  others,  while  it  limited  the  authority 
of  the  metropolitan  bishops,  by  teaching  them  subjection  to 
the  patriarchs  and  the  pope.  This  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
church,  and  of  the  pope  as  the  universal  bishop,  was  claimed 
as  proceeding  immediately  from  Christ  himself,  and  not 
from  arrangements  of  a  later  day,  and  carried  with  it  the 
right  of  ultimate  decision  in  all  ecclesiastical  affairs,  not 
merely  in  regard  to  the  laity,  but  to  bishops  themselves  of 
every  grade. 

This  new  book  of  ecclesiastical  law'  was  published  under 
the  venerated  name  of  Isidore  of  Seville  (§  104)  ;  and  the 
name  was  not  ill  chosen.  The  collection  of  Roman  decre- 
tals by  Dionysius  Exiguus  (Ancient  Church  §  71),  which  as 
early  as  the  sixth  century  had  acquired  almost  universal 
authority  in  the  West,  had  naturally  undergone  some  modi- 

^  Edited  in  Epp.  decretales  ac  rescrr.  pontt.  Rom. 


100  A.  D.  814—1073.     cmlrch  polity.  . 

fications,  particularly  by  the  addition  of  the  laws  and  de- 
cisions of  provincial  churches.  Among  the  revisions  of  this 
collection,  the  French  and  Spanish  were  the  most  distin- 
guished. A  new  revision,  which  introduced  many  modifi- 
cations, was  published  in  Spain  betwef^n  the  year  033  and 
636,  as  the  book  of  ecclesiastical  law  for  the  Spanish  church, 
under  the  name  of  Isidore  of  Seville.  As  this  edition  had 
acquired  great  reputation  from  the  influence  of  this  name, 
the  last  collection  of  all,  made  in  the  ninth  century,  was 
craftily  sent  forth  under  the  same  authority. 

But  while  all  the  earlier  revisions  of  the  Dionysian  col- 
lection bore  the  marks  of  their  substantial  genuineness,  the 
new  Isidoroan  collection  which  now  appeared  carried  the 
proofs  of  its  spuriousncss  in  both  its  mutilations  and  its 
additions.'  The  earlier  collections  contained  the  decretals  of 
the  Roman  bishops  from  the  time  of  Siricius  (383)  only  ;  but 
this  one  professed  to  give  the  official  letters  of  all  the  Roman 
bishops  up  to  the  time  of  the  apostles,  —  letters  that  had 
never  been  heard  of  before,  letters  in  which  Roman  bishops 
of  the  first  centuries  speak  in  the  Prankish  Latin  of  the 
eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  letters  in  which  they  describe 
ecclesiastical  and  political  aflairs  in  accordance  with  the 
condition  of  things  in  mediaeval  France,  letters  in  which 
they  quote  Scripture  in  a  post  Jerome  version,  letters  in 
which  the  Roman  bishop  Victor,  who  lived  about  the  year 
200,  writes  respecting  the  Easter  controversy  to  the  Alex- 
andrine bishop  Theophilus,  who  died  about  the  year  400. 

That  this  Isidorean  collection  is  Pscudo-hidorcnn  there  is 
no  doubt.  But  though  it  is  settled  that  the  work  is  one  of 
error  and  deception,  the  question  may  still  arise  whether  it 
is  the  product  of  sheer  and  disguised  forgery,  or  whether  the 
author  of  it  was  so  involved  in  the  then  existing  condition  of 
things,  as  to  be  unable  to  view  the  past  with  an  unbiassed 
eye,  and  really  supposed  that  the  ecclesiastical  constitutio,n 
of  his  time  had  been  that  of  the  church  from  the  first. 

'  It  rontnins  ninety-six  cnfin-ly  new  docretnls ;  viz  :  sixty-one  from  Clemens 
Romnnus  to  Sylvester  I.  (.314),  nn<l  thirty-five  from  Sylvester  to  Gn  trory  I., 
nut  to  mention  the  additions  to  the  nlready  existing  dcerctals. 


§   114.       THE    PAPAL    CONSTITUTION.  101 

The  time  when  the  Pseudo-Isidorean  decretals  were  com- 
posed can  be  determined  only  approximately.  A  passage 
from  the  decisions  of  a  synod  held  at  Paris  in  829  seems  to 
be  cited  in  them  ;  a  synod  of  Prankish  bishops  at  Chiersy 
in  857  quotes  a  passage  from  them  as  authoritative  ;  a  work 
upon  ecclesiastical  law  composed  in  845  alludes  to  them  as 
in  existence ;  and  a  council  held  at  Aix  la  Chapelle  in  837 
appears  to  have  made  use  of  them,  while  certain  documents 
which  Wala  abbot  of  Corvey  sent  in  834  to  Gregory  IV. 
show  traces  of  their  spirit  and  tendency.  From  all  these 
data,  it  may  be  concluded'  that  their  origin  'falls  between 
the  years  829  and  857.  It  is  probable,  moreover,  that  they 
were  formed  successively,  rather  than  all  at  one  time.  This 
would  accord  better  with  the  manner  in  which  such  collec- 
tions were  formed  generally,  and  would  explain  how  it  was 
possible,  so  late  as  the  ninth  century,  to  add  spurious  decre- 
tals to  the  genuine  ones.  In  respect  to  the  author  of  the 
decretals,  it  is  most  probable,  from  the  language  and  the 
ecclesiastico-political  character  of  the  collection,  and  from 
other  considerations,  that  it  was  an  ecclesiastic  of  the 
Prankish  church.  Perhaps,  also,  a  certain  deacon  of  May- 
ence,  Benedict  Lcvita,  may  have  been  concerned  in  their 
construction  ;  for  in  his  collection  of  ecclesiastical  ordinances 
issued  in  845,  not  only  many  passages  from  the  decretals 
appear,  but  there  is  also  a  studied  effort  to  obtain  authority 
for  them.  But  inasmuch  as  the  church  at  Mayence  was  an 
archbishopric,  it  would  be  difficult  upon  this  supposition  to 
account  for  the  opposition  of  the  decretals  to  the  metropol- 
itan constitutions,  unless  we  suppose  that  Levita  was  influ- 
enced by  personal  considerations.  At  all  events,  after  the 
Eastern  Prankish  church,  that  of  Rome  is  the  only  one  that 
with  any  plausibility  can  lay  claim  to  the  authorship  of  the 
Pseudo-Isidorean  decretals.  It  is  possible  that  the  idea,  of 
them  as  a  whole  proceeded  from  the  former,  and  was  seized 
and  realized  by  the  latter ;  or  it  may  be  that  the  converse  is 
the  truth,  and  it  was  a  Roman  idea  embodied  by  the  Prank- 
ish mind.  But  the  problem  of  their  authorship  is  so  com- 
plicated that  it  has  not  been,  and  never  will  be,  completely 
solved. 


102  A.  D.  814—1073.     chlrch  tolity. 

The  uncritical  age  in  which  they  aj^peared  cited  the 
Psendo-Isidorean  decretals  as  unquestionably  genuine, — 
Nidtulns  I.  (858)  being  the  first  pope  to  do  so,  —  and  the 
doubts  that  were  raised  respecting  their  authenticity  by  those 
few  individuals  who  suffered  from  the  theory  of  church 
government  contained  in  them,  were  wholly  overborne. 
Thciraurhority  and  influence  constantly  rpread  and  increased 
with  the  lapse  of  time,  until  the  Reformation,  when  the 
Magdeburg  Centuriators'  demonstrated  their  spuriousness. 
Afterwards,  the  Jesuit  Turriamis-  attempted  to  maintain 
their  authority,  but  he  was  so  thoroughly  refuted  by  BlondeW^ 
that  even  Roman  Catholic  writers  concede  their  falsity.'* 


§  115. 
THE    POPES. 

The  feeble  rule  of  the  emperor  Lewis  the  Pious,  who 
humbled  himself  all  the  more  before  the  authority  of  the 
church,  in  proportion  as  such  powerful  champions  as  the 
abbot  Wala  of  Corvcy  and  the  sagacious  archbishop  jlg-ubard 
of  Lyons  represented  its  claims,  must  necessarily  promote 
the  growth  of  the  papal  constitution.  Pope  Grc^-ori/  IV. 
(827-844)  endeavored  to  make  his  authority  decisive  in  the 
contest  between  Lewis  and  his  sons  ;  and  although  the 
result  by  no  means  corresponded  with  his  wishes,  neverthe- 
less the  papal  authority  evidently  strengthened  the  oppo- 
nents of  Lewis,  and  sanctified  the  undertaking  of  his  sons 
in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  —  an  example  that  was  of  use  to 
the  popes  of  succeeding  times. 

'  Ccntur.  Miig.l.  II.  7;  III.  7  Cilrin  al.<o  (In.'^titut.  IV.  7,  II)  liad  pa-vi- 
ouslv  noticed  the  spiiriou.-*  clfincnt.s  in  ihcm. 

*Turrinnus  Lilih.  V.  adv.  Ma;;dehurt;onscs  pro.  C])p.  dccix'tal.  |)ontiruuin 
npostolicor,  Khir.  I.'j72. 

^  li  I  o  n  do  I  1 11  8  I'scudoisidoru.H  ct  Tiirrinnus  vnpulanto-i,  Ocncv.  lf.28. 

*  Brllnruiin  ciinvndcred  them  hs  aiitliority.  Thrir  spuriousness  is  allowed  l>y 
flic  two  hrotliLTs  BuUtrini,  MUhUr,  Ilrfde,  Ross/iirt.cW. 


§    115.       THE    POPES. 


103 


Gregory  IV.  was  followed  by  Sergius  II.  in  844,  Leo  IV. 
in  847^  and  Benedict  III.  in  855.     Between  th.  two  last,  a 
'  female  Y>ope  Johanna  is  said  to  have  filled  the  papal  chair. 
According  to  an  old  tradition  she  was  a  German  woman  of 
Mayence,  who  went  to  Athens .  disguised  in   male   attire, 
studied  there  with  great  success,  and  afterwards  acquired  so 
great  reputation    at  Rome- for  her   learning  that  she  was 
chosen  pope  under  the  name  of  John.     But  although  this 
story  is  related  by  writers  from  the  middle  of  the  eleventh 
century  till  into  the  thirteenth,  at  first  without  much  color- 
ing but  afterwards  with  a  suspicious  particularity  of  detail ; 
and  although    many  memorials  of  a  later  day,  and  some 
peculiar  ceremonies  employed  in  the  consecration  of  the  popes 
might,  certainly,  remind  of  such  a  thing ;  it  is  nevertheless 
in  all  probability  a  pure  invention,  —  because,  the  first  wit- 
nesses do    not  testify   until   two  hundred   years  after  the 
alleged   occurrence;   because    even    the    embittered    Greek 
polemical  writers  of  the  ninth   and   tenth   centuries,  in   all 
their  attacks  upon  the  Roman  church,  make  no  mention  of 
a  female  pope ;  because  the  peculiarity  of  the  above  men- 
tioned   memorials    and   ceremonies    can    be    otherwise  ex- 
plained, while  no  break  can  be  shown  in  the  series  of  popes ; 
and  because,  lastly,  the  origin  of  the  story  can  be  accounted 
for  upon  the  supposition  that   it  was  a  satire   upon   the 
licentiousness  of  the  popes  of  the  first  half  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, viz  :  John  X.,  XL,  and  XII.,  and  the  influence  of  shame- 
less women  over  them.^ 

The  Papacy  received  a  new  impulse  under  the  rule  of 
the  vigorous  pope  Nicholas  I.  (85S-«67),  who  was  not  only 
the  first  to  apply  successfully  the  principles  of  the  Pseudo- 
Isidorean  decretals,  but  also  to  do  it  in  a  righteous  cause. 
Lothaire  II.,  king    of   Lothringia,  for  the  sake  of  the  adul- 

1  One  of  the  most  attractive  of  the  concubines  of  Tope  John  XII.  received  the 
sobriquet  of  Popcss  Joanna,  because  of  her  influence  in  ecclesiastical  attan-s ;  and 
from  this  the  story  may  have  arisen.  It  was  however  credited  to  sucli  a  degree 
that  Pope  John  XX.,  in  1279,  called  himself  Jolm  XXI.  Among  the  works 
upon  this  subject,  the  most  important  are  :  Blondel  Joanna  Papissa  ;  Lieb- 
nitz  Flores  sparsi  in  tumulum  Papissac  :  Spanhcim  Dissertat.o  do  Joanna 
Papissa. 


104  A.  D.  814^1073.     church  polity. 

tress  Waldrade,  had  repudiated  his  wife  Thietbcrga.  The 
two  archbishops,  Gunther  of  Cologne,  and  Thietg-aud  of 
Treves,  together  with  several  bishops,  had  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  made  the  instruments  of  his  lusts,  and  in  a 
synod  at  Aix  in  862  had  pronounced  a  separation  between 
Lothaire  and  Thietberga,  notwithstanding  the  protest  of 
Hincmar  bishop  of  Rheims.  The  injured  wife  appealed  to 
the  pope,  who  immediately  ordered  a  new  investigation  of 
the  matter  at  the  council  of  3Ietz,  in  863,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  papal  legates.  But  these  latter  were  probably  bribed, 
and  the  preceding  unrighteous  decision  was  re-aHirmed  at 
Metz.  Hereupon  Nicholas  deposed  Gunther  and  Thietgaud, 
and  declared  the  decision  of  the  synod  to  be  null  and  void, 
and  shameful.  The  deposed  prelates  succeeded  for  a  while 
in  gaining  over  to  their  cause  the  emperor  Lewis  II.,  the 
brother  of  Lothaire.  But  the  menacing  advances  of  Lewis 
with  his  army  towards  Rome  did  not  terrify  the  pope  ;  and 
neither  did  the  loud  protests  of  the  embittered  archbishops, 
who  claimed  to  be  his  equals,  disturb  him.  He  did  not  rest 
until  the  Lothringian  bishop  had  humbly  sought  papal 
absolution,  and  Lothaire  had  received  again  Thietberga  as 
his  wife,  having  sent  Waldrade  to  Rome,  under  the  conduct 
of  the  papal  legates,  that  she  might  perform  penance  there. 
And  when,  soon  after  this,  Thietberga  herself,  under  the  re- 
newed ill-treatment  of  her  husband,  applied  to  the  pope  for 
the  annulment  of  the  marriage,  nothing  but  his  own  death 
prevented  Nicholas  from  proceding  to  the  most  extreme 
measures  with  the  king,  in  maintaining  the  inviolability  of 
the  marriage  tie.  Contemporaneously  with  these  occur- 
rences, Nicholas  humbled  the  powerful  and  haughty  iZ"/w67»ar, 
archbishop  of  Rheims,  a  zealous  defender  of  the  freedom  of 
the  French  national  church,  who,  at  a  synod  at  Soissons,  in 
803,  had  deposed  Rothad  bishop  of  Soissons,  with  whom 
he  had  often  been  in  conflict,  and  who  had  made  his  appeal 
to  the  pope.  Nicholas  ordered,  when  the  French  bishops 
sent  an  account  of  their  proceedings  to  him,  that  Ilincmar 
should  either  immediately  reinstate  Rothad,  or- else  send  to 
Rome  for  a  regular  investigation,  upon  the  ground  that  the 


§   115.       THR    POPES.  105 

pope  was  the  only  judge  in  the  case  of  differences  between 
bishops,  and  that  each  synod  could  give  a  valid  decision 
only  under  his  authority,  —  principles  which  were  laid  down 
in  the  Pseudo-Isidorean  decretals,  and  to  which  he  could 
appeal  with  the  more  confidence  inasmuch  as  the  French 
'bishops  had  already,  in  previous  instances,  cited  from  these 
decretals  in  their  own  behalf.  Rothad  was  obliged  to  go  to 
Rome,  and  was  sent  back  to  his  bishopric,  in  865,  with  a 
letter  froni  the  pope. 

The  successor  of  Nicholas,  Hadrian  11.  (867-872),  was 
not  so  successful  in  carrying  out  these  principles  of  ecclesi- 
astical polity.  When,  after  the  death  of  Lothaire  II.  in  869, 
Lothaire's  uncle  Charles  the  Bald  king  of  France  had  seized 
his  territories,  which  of  right  should  have  gone  to  Lothaire's 
brother  the  emperor  Lewis  II.,  the  pope  declared  earnestly 
for  the  claims  of  Lewis,  and  made  representations  to  this 
effect  to  the  French  bishops,  his  right  to  interfere  in  the  case 
was  contemptuously  repelled  by  Hincmar  of  Rheims.  He 
was  equally  unsuccessful  in  asserting  his  claims  in  another 
contest  with  Hincmar.  At  the  synod  of  Douzi,  in  871, 
Hincmar  had  deposed  his  nephew,  the  haughty  young 
bishop  Hincmar  of  Laon.  The  latter «maintained,  in  accor- 
dance with  the  Pseudo-Isidorean  decretals,  that  the  pope 
alone  could  be  his  judge.  The  pope  now  made  the  same 
demand  of  Hincmar  which  his  predecessor  had  made  in  the 
case  of  Rothad,  but  was  again  repulsed  by  the  archbishop, 
in  the  name  of  king  Charles,  in  the  strongest  terms.  Hinc- 
mar, in  particular,  declared  in  the  most  decided  and  vehe- 
ment maimer  against  the  validity  of  the  Pseudo-Isidorean 
decretals,  yet  without  entering  into  a  close  examination  of 
them,  or  attacking  them  in  a  way  to  make  a  lasting  impres- 
sion. He  did  not  deny  their  genuineness,  but  contended 
that  they  were  not  binding  upon  the  Frankish  church, 
because  they  had  not  been  formally  adopted  by  it. 

The  position  of  the   pope  became  more  favorable  under 

Hadrian's  suQcessor  John  VIII.  (872-882),  who  enjoyed  the 

triumph  of  seeing  king  Charles  the  Bald  willing  to  sacrifice 

all  his  royal  prerogatives  and  the  rights  of  the  national 

14 


106  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     church  polity. 

church,  for  which  he  had  contended  so  zealously,  in  order  to 
obtain  the  papal  vote  for  his  elevation  to  the  imperial  throne. 
Notwithstanding  all  the  opposition  of  Hincmar  and  the 
other  bishops,  Auscg-isus  archbishop  of  Sens  was  appointed 
by  the  new  emperor  apostolical  vicar  and  spiritual  primate 
over  the  whole  kingdom  of  France. 

Very  soon  after  the  pontificate  of  John  VIII.,  there  suc- 
ceeded a  long  period  of  deep  corruption,  one  of  the  most 
shameful  eras  in  the  history  of  the  Papacy,  introduced  by 
the  violent  conflicts  of  the  various  factions  of  Italian  nobles. 
Among  these  parties,  one  in  particular,  at  whose  head  stood 
the  Margrsiye  Adelbert  of  Tuscany  together  with  two  vicious 
Roman  women  Theodora  and  her  daughter  Marozia,  ac- 
quired gi'eat  influence  over  the  election  of  the  pope.'  Those 
most  worthless  persons,  the  shameless  Sergius  III.  (904-911), 
John  X.  (914-928),  John  XL  (931-936),  and  others  like  them, 
were  the  mere  creatures  of  this  party.  Octavianus,  a  youlh 
of  eighteen  years,  the  grandson  of  Marozia,  who  had  grown 
up  in  vice,  succeeded  them  in  956,  under  the  name  of  John 
XII.,  and  during  his  pontificate  enormities  reached  their 
height.  Female  pilgrims,  if  they  would  preserve  their  honor, 
must  not  visit  the  sacred  city.  The  pnpal  palace  was 
a  harem.2  But  the  pope's  perfidy  towards  the  German  king 
Of  fa  I.,  whom  he  had  called  into  Italy,  in  960,  to  assist  him 
against  their  common  enemy  the  Italian  king  Berengar  II. 
and  his  son  Adelbert,  and  whom  he  had  crowned  emperor 
of  Germany  in  962,  prepared  the  way  for  his  own  downfall. 
At  a  synod  convened  by  the  emperor  at  Rome,  in  963,  the 
pope  was  convicted  of  murder,  blasphemy,  and  all  kinds  of 
impurity,  was  deposed,  and  pope  Leo  XV.  chosen  in  his 
place,  whose  pontifical  authority,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
John,  and  afterwards  of  Benedict  V.,  was  made  triumphant 
by  Otto.  Yet  tranquiflity  lasted  only  so  long  as  Otto  lived. 
Immediately  after  his  death  in  973,  the  Tuscan  party  rose 

'  L 11  i  t  p  ra  n  d  i  Ilistoria  ;  F  1  o  d  o  a  rd  i  (t  OGfi)  Chronicon  (919-060) ;  Frag- 
iiicnta  de  pontifT.  IJotn.  in  MaI)illon  Acta  ss.  Compare  Liis  cti  or  Historic  des 
nitri  irurenre^rimcnts.  — 

'^  L  11  i  t  )>  r  a  II  d  1  Df  rtlms  im])LTatornin  ct  rcj,'uni  VI.  «]. 


§   115.       THE    POPES.  107 

to  power  again,  and  exerted  anew  its  corrupting  influence 
upon  the  Romish  see  and  its  official  appointments. 

The  next  conflict  into  which  the  Papacy  entered,  after 
such  a  century  as  this,  could  not  fail  to  disclose  how^  deeply, 
or  how  superficially,  its  authority  was  lodged  in  the  minds 
of  men.  Pope  John  XV.  (985-996)  was  asked,  in  a  very 
reverential  letter,  by  Hugh  Capet,  who  was  endeavoring  to 
establish  himself  in  his  newly  acquired  French  throne,  to 
decide  whether  the  archbishop  Armdph  of  Rheims,  whom 
Hugh  had  craftily  made  archbishop  because  he  was  a 
brother  of  Charles  of  Lothringia  his  only  rival  to  the  French 
throne,  should  not  be  deposed  again  for  having  traitorously 
opened  the  gates  of  Rheims  to  his  enemy  and  rival.  The 
pope,  uncertain  which  of  the  two  French  parties  would 
prove  superior,  delayed  his  decision  so  long  that  Hugh, 
believing  that  he  could  dispense  with  his  assistance,  and 
supported  by  the  energy,  learning,  and  boldness  of  Gerbert, 
who  was  at  that  time  secretary  of  the  chiirch  in  Rheims, 
and  of  his  like-minded  friend,  bishop  Arnulph  of  Orleans, 
compelled  Arnulph  of  Rheims,  at  a  synod  convened  at 
Rheims  in  991,  to  send  in  his  resignation,  and  appointed 
Gerbert  in  his  stead.  The  pope,  enraged,  declared  the  synod 
to  be  null  and  void,  and  suspended  from  office  all  the  par- 
ticipants in  it.  Gerbert,  unterrified,  in  three  letters  en- 
couraged the  French  bishops  to  resist  the  lawless  authority 
of  the  pope.  But  the  papacy,  so  firmly  entrenched  in  the 
superstition  of  the  time  that  it  could  not  be  overthrown  even 
by  its  worthless  incumbents,  had  the  voice  of  the  people 
with  it,  and  even  Hugh's  successor,  Robert  king  of  Nor- 
mandy (996-1031),  was  not  inclined  to  carry  on  the  hazard- 
ous contest  against  the  head  of  the  church.  In  order  to 
induce  pope  Gregory  V.  (996-999)  to  legitimate  his  marriage 
with  Bertha,  he  submitted  to  the  retraction,  at  a  second 
synod  at  Rheims  in  996,  of  all  that  had  previously  been 
done  in  opposition  to  the  pope's  authority,  to  the  deposition 
of  Gerbert,  and  the  restoration  of  Arnulph  to  the  archbish- 
opric. Gerbert  became  archbishop  of  Ravenna  in  998,  and 
having  been  at  an  earlier  period  the  instructor  of  the  em- 


108  A.  D.  >^l\ — 1073.     CHURCH  polity. 

peror  O/to  III.  was  made  pope  through  his  influence,  under 
the  title  of  Sylvester  11.  (999-1003).  But  Gerbert  now  had 
no  inclination  to  carry  out  his  old  principles.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  labored  craftily  to  break  down  the  imperial  power, 
in  order  to  strengthen  the  papal;  first,  by  nourisliing  in  the 
youthful  emperor  the  idea  of  founding  at  Rome  a  western 
empire  after  the  model  of  the  Byzantine,  —  a  plan  that 
alienated  all  the  best  of  the  German  prelates,  —  and  secondly, 
by  separating  the  Polish  and  Hungarian  churches  from  their 
connection  with  the  German,  and  placing  them  under  the 
rule  of  papal  vicars.  lie  was  also  the  first  pope  who  broached 
(in  999)  the  idea  of  a  crusade  of  Christendom  to  recover 
the  holy  sepulchre. 

Soon  after  Otto's  death  in  1002,  and  that  of  Sylvester  II. 
in  1003,  the  Italian  dissensions  broke  out  afresh,  owing  to 
the  feebleness  of  the  emperor's  power  in  Italy.  In  the 
contest  with  the  Tuscan  party,  the  counts  of  Tusculi  at- 
tained to  so  much  influence,  that  from  the  time  of  Benedict 
VIII.  (1012-1024),  a  scion  of  their  house,  the  papal  dignity 
for  a  long  period  became  as  it  were  hereditary  in  their  family. 
Benedict  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  John  XIX.  (1024- 
1033),  a  layman ;  and  he  was  succeeded  in  1033  by  his 
kinsman  Theophylact,  a  boy  of  twelve  years,  who  had  grown 
up  in  the  most  shameful  vice,  who  assumed  the  name  of 
Benedict  IX.'  llis  horrible  debaucheries  rendered  it  easy 
for  the  opposing  party  to  elect  another  pope,  Sylvester  III., 
who  expelled  Benedict  from  Rome ;  but  wiien  Benedict 
found  means  to  return  again,  he  shared  with  him  the  posses- 
sion of  the  city  and  the  papacy.  Benedict  afterwards,  being 
in  need  of  money,  sold  his  share  in  the  papacy  to  the  arch- 
presbyter  Jo/in  Gralian,  who  took  the  name  of  Greg-ori/  VI., 
an  upright  man  who  regarded  the  disgrace  of  obtaining  the 
papacy  in  this  manner  as  a  necessary  sacrifice  in  order  to 
save  the  church  (torn  utter  destruction.  Nevertheless,  Ben- 
edict did  not  rcliiKiuish  his  claims  to  tin-  i)apal  dignity,  and 

'  The  nlitiot  Drsidirius,  aflorwanls  pope  Victor  III.,  in  his  <lialo;;iics  spi-nks  of 
him  iu»  n  pope  "cujiis  (|iii<l('ni  jxi-t  luleptiini  sac  n-dotiiim  vita  <|uam  lur]iis, 
•luam  focUu,  (|uainiiuc  cxccrandu  cxstiU'rit,  horrcbio  rufcrrc." 


§  115.       THE    POPES. 


109 


thus  there  were  three  popes  at  one  and  the  same  time.  In 
order  to  put  an  end  to  this  confusion,  the  emperor  Henry  III. 
marched  an  army  to  Rome,  In  1046.  The  synod  of  Sutri, 
assembled  at  his  command  in  1046,  deposed  all  three  popes, 
and  elected  in  their  place  bishop  Suidger  of  Bamberg,  a  sin- 
cere and  devout  German  ecclesiastic  belonging  to  the  em- 
peror's retinue,  under  the  title  of  Clement  II.  Through  the 
influence  of  the  emperor,  and  in  spite  of  an  attempt  of 
Benedict  IX.  to  usurp  the  papacy  once  more,  bishop  Poppo 
of  Brixen  was  elected  pope  in  1048,  under  the  title  of  Da- 
'  masKS  II.,  in  the  place  of  -Clement,  who  died  in  1047  ;  and 
when  in  the  same  year  Damasus  himself  died,  the  same 
imperial  influence  placed  in  the  papal  chair  bishop  Bruno 
of  Toul,  who  took  the  title  of  Leo  IX.,  with  whose  pontificate 
a  new  and  important  section  of  the  history  of  the  Papacy 

begins. 

From  the  year  1048  and  onward,  the  Papacy  was  shaped 
more  and  more  by  the  influence  of  a  man  who  made  and 
marked  the  greatest  of  its  epochs,  and  imparted  to  it  its 
complete  historical  form.  This  man  is  Hildebrand.'  He 
was  the  son  of  a  smith  of  Saone,  and  had  early  joined  the 
Benedictine  monks,  first  at  Rome  and  afterwards  at  Clugny. 
A  friend  of  Gregory  VI.,  whose  earnest  attempts  to  reform 
the  church  he  knew  and  sympathized  with,  he  did  not  de- 
sert him  in  his  misfortunes,  but  shared  his  exile  with  him. 
While  upon  a  journey  through  France,  pope  Leo  IX.  (1048- 
1053)  became  acquainted  with  him,  and  gave  him  the 
appointment  of  sub-deacon  in  the  church  at  Rome;  and 
following  the  advice  of  Hildebrand,  the  pope  himself,  who 
had  been  put  into  office  by  the  emperor,  who  was  a  layman, 
journeyed  as  a  pilgrim  to  Rome,  in  order  there  to  be  regu- 
larly invested  with  office.  Under  Leo,  as  well  as  under  his 
successors,  Victor  II.  (1055-1057)  whom  Hildebrand  had 
been  instrumental  in  placing  in  the  papal  chair,  and  Stephen 
IX.  (1057-58),  the  influence  of  Hildebrand  steadily  rose. 

iBonizo  (t  1089)  De  pcrsccntione  eccl.  lihb.  IX. ;  Desidcr  in  s  (Victor 
III.)  De  ixiiraculis  S.  Benedicti ;  Leo  Ostiensis  (A.  D.  1101)  Chron.  mon- 
asterii  Casinens ;  Voigt  Hildebrand,  und  sein  Zeitaltcr. 


110  A.  D.  814-1073.     church  polity. 

From  him,  undoubtedly,  proceeded  the  plan  in  accordance 
with  which  these  three  popes  acted,  and  which  was  adopted 
by  many  synods  in  and  out  of  Italy,  — the  plan,  namely,  of 
repressing  simony  aiid  the  immorality  of  the  clergy,  by  for- 
bidding the  investiture  of  the  bishops  by  imperial  authority, 
and  by  a  stricter  enforcement  of  the  rules  enjoining  celibacy. 
By  this  method  Hildebrand  sought  to  check  the  rising  dom- 
ination of  the  empire  over  the  church,  and  also  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  flood  of  licentiousness  that  was  coming  in  upon 
the  clergy  ;  while  at  the  same  time  he  would  render  the 
clerical  order  a  more  energetic  and  subservient  body  by  dis- 
connecting them  entirely  from  social  and  family  life. 

Two  parties  now  stood  confronted  with  each  other,  in 
Italy,  —  the  party  of  Hildebrand,  rendered  yet  more  zealous 
by  Hildebrand's  ardent  admirer  Peter  Damiani,  the  rigorously 
ascetic  bishop  of  Ostio  '  (f  1072),  and  that  of  the  secular 
and  ecclesiastical  nobility,  to  whom  the  existing  immorality 
and  disorder  was  more  agreeable  than  the  hierarchical 
severity  and  moral  correctness  of  Hildebrand. 

After  the  death  of  Stephen,  in  1058,  the  opponents  of 
Hildebrand  succeeded,  during  his  absence  from  Rome,  in 
electing  a  pope  of  their  own  ;  namely,  John,  bishop  of  Veletri, 
who  took  the  title  of  Benedict  X.  But  Hildebrand,  on  his 
return,  succeeded  by  his  ability  and  adroitness  in  nullifying 
this  election,  and  securing  the  appointment  of  Gerhard 
bishop  of  Florence,  under  the  name  of  Nicholas  II.  (1058- 
1061),  to  whom  Benedict,  though  at  first  resisting,  soon  sub- 
mitted. In  order  to  withdraw  the  papal  election,  in  future, 
from  the  disturbing  influences  of  the  civil  power,  Nicholas 
transferred  it,  at  the  Lateran  council  in  1059,  to  a  College 
of  Cardinals,^  enacting  that   the    pope  should  always  be 

'  Dnmiiini,  liowevcr,  not  Fcldom  followed  the  measures  of  Hiklehrnnd  eontrary 
to  his  own  ju(l;;meiit ;  and  lie  was  wont  jocosely  to  call  him  his  St.  Satan  (Kji]). 
I.  16). 

*  AccordinK  to  the  Latin  of  the  sixth  century,  canlinulcs  dcrici  denoted  cler- 
pymcn  who  occupied  a  post  jiermanently,  and  not  merely  provisorily  (incardi- 
nati).  Hence  cardinalis  in  ecclesiastical  Latm  signifies  the  same  as  pniecipuus. 
At  a  later  date,  when  the  Roman  see  came  to  he  the  cardo  of  the  church,  tiie 
priests  connected  with  the  church  of  die  city  of  Rome  were  particularly  deiiom- 


§  115.       THE    POPES.  Ill 

chosen  at  Rome,  and  that  he  should  be  one  of  the  cardinal 
bishops,  elected  to  the  office  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
cardinal  clergy  (bishops,  presbyters,  and  deacons),  and  also 
with  the  assent  of  the  rest  of  the  Roman  clergy,  and  of  the 
Roman  people.  And  in  case  of  political  disorders  at  Rome 
preventing,  the  election  might  be  made  at  any  other  suitable 
place  by  the  cardinal  bishops,  with  the  cooperation  of  certain 
of  the  clergy  and  laity  chosen  for  the  purpose.  But  not- 
withstanding this  enactment,  new  disturbances  arose,  owing 
to  the  conflict  of  parties,  after  the  death  of  Nicholas  in  1061. 
Hildebrand's  opponents  allied  themselves  by  an  embassy 
with  the  imperial  court,  and  an  embassy  which  Hildebrand 
then  sent  to  the  emperor  was  denied  a  hearing.  Hilde- 
brand then,  without  any  further  reference  to  the  imperial 
authority,  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  pope.  Alexander, 
archbishop  of  Lucca,  was  chosen,  under  the  title  of  Alexander 
XL  (1061-1073),  and  was  so  effectually  supported  by  the 
energy  and  power  of  Hildebrand  that  his  rival  Honorius  II. 
(Cadalous  bishop  of  Parma),  who  had  been  elected  by  the 
imperial  party  at  a  council  at  Basle,  was  rejected  by  the 
synod  of  Osborn  in  1062,  and  of  Mantua  in  1064,  and  was 
in  a  few  years  compelled  to  yield  the  contest.  Under  more 
favorable  political  circumstances,'  Alexander  was  at  length 
acknowledged  as  pope  by  the  emperor,  and  Hildebrand  as 
archdeacon  and  chancellor  of  the  church  at  Rome  had  full 
opportunity  to  prepare  the  way  for  his  own  ascent  to  the 


inated  cardinales  presbyteri,  and  the  overseers  of  hospitals  of  the  city,  cardinales 
diaconi ;  and  m  the  eleventh  century  the  seven  suburban  bishops  who  presided 
over  the  pope's  special  diocese,  and  who  performed  service  in  order  at  the  cathe- 
dral church  in  Rome,  were  denominated  cardinales  episcopi.  B  u  d  d  e  u  s  De 
origine  cardinalitiae  dignitatis. 

1  English  influences  contributed  to  strengthen  pope  Alexander  ;  for  by  the 
advice  of  Hildebrand,  Mho  was  himself  influenced  by  Lanfranc,  William  of  Nor- 
mandy was  authorized  to  deliver  England  from  the  rule  of  the  semi-pagan  Anglo- 
Saxons  and  Harold,  the  last  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings,  was  placed  under  the 
papal  ban,  and  fell  in  the  murderous  battle  at  Hastings  in  1066.  This  policy 
associated  England  with  the  Papacy,  but  at  the  same  time  left  in  the  mind  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  population  a  latent  hatred  of  it,  which  at  a  later  period  showed 
itself. 


112  A.  D.  814—1073.     church  polity. 

papal  throne.'  The  young  emperor  Henry  I V.,  having  been 
restrained  in  his  lusts  by  a  papal  decision,  and  then  com- 
plained of  at  Rome  by  the  Saxons  for  disgraceful  simony 
and  o})pression  of  his  subjects,  had  just  been  summoned 
before  the  pope  to  answer  the  charge,  and  was  burning  with 
the  desire  of  revenge,  when  Alexander  died. 


§  116. 

cmmcn  and  state. 

With  the  ascent  of  Hildebrand  to  the  papal  chair,  the 
relations  between  the  church  and  the  state  underwent  an 
essential  change.  Hitherto  the  state  had  exerted  a  highly 
important  influence  upon  the  church,  while  the  influence  of 
the  church  upon  the  state  had  been  increasingly  uncertain, 
fluctuating,  and  sometimes  equivocal. 

The  influence  of  the  state  upon  the  church  was  apparent 
particularly  in  the  position  and  relations  of  the  bislioj/s. 
These  were  frequently,  and  not  seldom  to  the  injury  of  the 
church,  nominated  according  to  the  caprice  of  princes  and 
nobles,  and,  as  the  feudal  system  became  more  consolidated, 
they  came  to  be  regarded  and  treated  as  an  order  of  vassals 
(ministeriales),  owing  service  to,  and  being  entirely  depen- 
dent upon,  the  princes  and  their  feudal  lords  (domini).  Many, 
however,  took  ofTonce  at  this  vassal  relation  of  the  bishop, 
upon  the  ground  that  the  episcopal  character  ought  to  re- 
lease him  from  the  obligation  to  take  the  layman's  oath  of 
dependence  and  fealty  (hominii,  fidelitatis)  ;  and  still  more, 
because  the  symbol  of  investiture,  —  tiie  gift  of  a  ring  ami 
a  staflT  (investitura  per  baculum  et  annulum),  —  was  bor- 
rcnved  not  from  the  earthly  but  the  spiritual  j)rovince,  and 

'  In  reference  to  the  influcnro  of  Ilildcbrand  over  the  popes,  Datniani  ad- 
dressed liiin  in  these  lines  : 

Papnrn  rite  Polo,  se<l  Te  prostratus  adorn  ; 
Tu  fucis  hunc  Doniinun).  Te  farit  istc  Deum. 


§  115.       CHURCH    AND    STATE.  113 

when,  therefore,  these  were  delivered  over  to  a  bishop  by  a 
secular  prince,  it  looked  as  if  the  church  were  deriving  its 
sacred  authoi-ity  from  a  merely  secular  source.  Furthermore, 
the  vassal  relation  of  the  bishop  to  a  feudal  lord  was  for 
many  a  temptation  to  secularize  their  spiritual  calling  by 
engaging  in  war,  and  in  other  ways ;  while  at  the  same 
time  some  few,  —  as  for  example  Ulrich  bishop  of  Augs- 
burg, and  Bernward  bishop  of  Hildesheim,  —  embraced  the 
opportunity  to  modify  the  civil  and  secular  institutions  with 
.which  they  were  thus  connected  by  this  feudal  relation,  by 
the  spmt  of  Christianity,  and  by  means  of  Christian  science 
and  art. 

The  influence  of  the  church  upon  the  state  showed  itself 
principally  in  the  administration  of  justice.  To  counteract 
the  then  universally  prevailing  club-law  and  the  almost 
daily  combats,  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  France,  in  1032, 
took  occasion  during  a  time  of  rejoicing  following  a  season 
of  great  scarcity  to  appoint  each  Friday,  the  day  of  Christ's 
Passion,  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  penitence,  when  every  in- 
jury should  be  forgiven,  and  all  contests,  whether  of  war  or 
legal  proceedings,  should  cease.  From  this  ordinance  sprang 
soon  afterwards,  —  by  the  decision  of  the  synod  of  Limoges, 
which  was  adopted  in  Aquitania  in  1041,  and  afterwards 
in  the  neighboring  districts,  —  the  so-called  truce  of  God 
(Trevia  or  Treuga  Dei)  ;  the  observance,  namely,  of  the 
time  from  Wednesday  evening  till  Monday  morning,  as  a 
period  of  fasting  ;  during  which  no  one  should  be  arraigned 
before  a  tribunal,  and  no  one  should  use  violence  towards 
another.  The  observance  of  this  time  was  carefully  watched 
over  and  maintained  by  the  church. 

The  influence  of  the  church  upon  the  administration  of 
justice  was    also  seen  in  the  so-called    Ordeals^   (ordalia, 

1  They  consisted  of  the  duel  (between  two  persons  who  had  taken  an  oath  in 
contradiction  to  each  other)  ;  the  ordeal  by  boiling  water  or  by  fire  (in  which  to 
be  burnt  was  a  proof  of  guilt) ;  and  the  ordeal  by  cold  water  (in  which  to  float 
was  a  proof  of  innocency).  The  clergy  were  obliged  to  submit  to  these  latter 
trials  in  case  of  a  charge  that  they  had  misused  the  Sacrament.  Compare 
M  a  j  e  r  Gcschichtc  dcr  Ordalien  ;  P  Ii  11 1  i  p  s  Die  Ordalien  bci  dea  Gcnnanen  ; 
Rettberg  Kirchengeschichte  Dcutschlands  Bd.  II.  S.  749  19. 

15 


114  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     church  polity. 

judicia  Dei),  —  an  institution  of  which  traces  are  to  be  dis- 
covered not  only  among  the  old  German  populations,  but 
also  among  the  Hindoos,  Chinese,  Japanese,  and  even 
among  the  Greeks.  It  has  its  foundation  in  the  belief  that 
there  is  such  a  sympathy  between  the  forces  of  nature  and 
the  moral  law  written  in  the  conscience,  that  no  criminal 
can  escape  the  Divine  judgments  here  in  time,  even  in  case 
he  has  succeeded  in  escaping  those  of  a  human  tribunal. 
This  belief  was  cherished  in  an  extreme  and  superstitious 
form,  and  was  connected  with  usages  that  were  heathen,  and 
contrary  to  the  prohibition  to  tempt  God  to  the  manifesta- 
tion of  miraculous  powers.  The  influence  of  the  church 
was  at  first  exerted  to  give  a  somewhat  less  superstitious 
cast  to  the  institution.  The  council  of  Valence,  in  855, 
punished  with  excommunication  those  who  should  seek  a 
decision  by  duel,  and  refused  Christian  burial  to  him  who 
should  fall  therein,  as  to  a  suicide  ;  archbishop  Ag-obard  of 
Lyons  (f  841)  wrote  several  treatises  against  the  ordeal, 
(Contra  judicium  Dei,  and  others),  and  argued  in  favor  of  a 
regular  judicial  investigation;  pope  Nicholas  I.  declared  the 
ordeal,  by  which  method  king  Lothaire  II.  wished  to  decide 
his  case  (§  115),  to  be  a  tempting  of  God  ;  and  pope  Stephen 
VI.  (885-891),  in  a  letter  to  Leutbert  archbishop  of  May- 
ence,  declared  against  the  ordeal.  But  these  individual 
voices  could  not  prevail  against  the  spirit  of  the  age,  to 
which  even  the  emperor  Charlemagne  was  himself  obliged  to 
yield  (in  the  Capitularies  of  the  year  794,  803,  and  particu- 
larly 809),*  and  the  church  more  and  more  took  the  trial 
by  ordeal  under  its  protection,  and  deepened  the  popular 
superstition  respecting  it 


'  "  Ut  omncs  judicio  Dei  crcJant  absque  ilutiitatione."      B  n  1  u  z  i  i  Cajiituliir. 
I.  I.  406. 


§  117.       THE    CLERGY    AND    MOXASTICISM.  115 

§  117. 

THE  CLERGY  AND  MONASTICISM. 

The  corruption  of  the  clergy  steadily  rose  to  a  higher 
pitch  during  this  period.  While  many  evils  of  the  preced- 
ing period  like  that  of  the  vagrant  clergy  (§  100) ;  the  ap- 
pointment of  an  order  of  secular  priests,  who  were  for  the 
most  part  chosen  from  the  vagrant  clergy  or  else  from  feudal 
vassals,  and  who  submitted  -to  be  used  for  the  lowest  pur- 
poses ;  the  practise  of  many  things  that  degraded  the  cler- 
ical office  (such  as  hunting,  gaming,  drinking,  etc.),  and 
transformed  its  functions  into  a  mere  mechanical  routine,  — 
while  all  these  continued  to  exist  and  increase,  the  benefits 
accruing  in  the  previous  period  from  the  reformation  of  the 
clergy  commenced  by  the  canonicate  rule  of  Chrodegang 
(§  100)  steadily  decreased  in  this.  Many  of  the  heads  of 
the  canonical  houses  made  use  of  their  position  to  render 
themselves  independent  of  the  bishops,  and  this  position 
of  independency  was  more  and  more  assured  to  them  by 
statute,  by  their  hope  of  being  elected  to  a  bishopric,  as 
well  as  by  stipulations.  More  than  this,  they  gradually 
threw  off  one  canonical  rule  after  another,  withdrew  more 
and  more  from  the  performance  of  canonical  duties,  and 
thought  only  of  enjoying  the  canonical  revenues  in  their 
prebends  and  benefices.  As  a  consequence,  these  revenues 
became  merely  a  lure  for  a  class  of  clergymen  who  had 
nothing  to  recommend  them  but  their  noble  birth.  In  vain 
did  upright  and  pious  bishops,  —  stern  censors  of  morals 
like,  Damiani^  (§114),  and  PuUherins,-  bishop  of  Verona 

1  In  his  work,  entitled  Gomorrhianiis,  and  in  his  Letters,  he  has  unveiled  and 
lashed  the  debaucheries  of  the  clergy.  See  his  biography  by  his  pupil  Johannes 
Monachus  in  his  Opera,  and  in  Acta  Sanctorum,  Feb.  T.  III.  p.  406.  Compare 
also  Laderchii  Vita  S.  Damiani. 

2  llatherius  was  an  intellectual  and  original  man,  who  spent  the  greater  por- 
tion of  his  long  life  amidst  conflicts  and  sufferings  of  various  kinds,  and  whose 
violence  sometimes  neutralized  the  effects  of  his  zeal  and  better  judgment.  To 
mention  a  specimen  of  his  age,  —  he  was  obliged  to  entreat  his  clergy  not  to 


116       A.  D.  814 — 1073.  church  polity. 

(t974), —  attempt  to  stem  the  rising  tide  of  clerical  cor- 
ruption. 

Monasticism  began  now  to  lose  its  previously  high  char- 
acter. The  wealth  of  the  monasteries  gradually  introduced 
corruption  among  the  monks  ;  laymen  crowded  themselves 
into  the  abbot's  office  merely  for  the  sake  of  the  emoluments, 
so  that  in  France  most  of  the  abbeys  in  the  ninth  century 
were  under  the  rule  of  lay-abbots ;  and  not  seldom  the 
consecrated  walls  resounded  with  the  voices  of  women,  chil- 
dren, soldiers,  and  the  barking  of  the  huntsman's  hounds.  A 
thorough  reform  of  the  whole  monastic  system  became  an 
urgent  necessity.  The  excellent  abbot  Benedict  of  Aniane 
in  Langucdoc  (t8"21)  accomplished  a  reformation,  first  in 
his  own  monastery,  and  afrcnvards  in  a  muuber  of  French 
monasteries  that  were  devolved  upon  him,  for  this  purpose, 
by  the  emperor  Lewis  the  Pioits.  He  introduced  a  stricter 
system  of  monastic  regulations,  employing  as  the  instrument 
of  discipline  manual  labor  and  intellectual  cultivation,  and, 
in  general,  revising  the  old  Benedictine  rule  (§74).  But  his 
attempts  did  not  result  in  a  general  reformation  throughout 
the  church  ;  although  the  synod  of  Aix  la  Cfiapelle,  in  817, 
adopted  his  regulations,  and  made  them  authoritative  for 
the  Frankish  empire,  and  his  influence,  particularly  through 
the  union  of  several  monasteries  under  one  head  (congre- 
gatio  monachorum)  prepared  the  way  for  a  sounder  mo- 
nastic constitution. 

Benedict's  exampiC  was  followed,  at  a  later  day,  by  the 
abbot  Berno,^  by  birth  a  Burgundian  count  (f  927),  who, 
having  been  deeply  stirred  by  the  unbridled  license  of  the 
monastic  life  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up,  introduced 
a  stricter  regimen  into  a  number  of  monasteries  under  his 


appear  before  the  nitnr  intoxirntcd,  with  swords  and  ppurs.  His  works  arc 
contained  in  D'Aclierv  Spi(ilej:ium  T.  1.  II.  ;  and  mill  more  complete  in 
Ituthcrii  Opcni  ed.  fratres  Rallerini.  Compare  IIist(jire  liteniire  de  la  France.  T. 
VI.;  E  n  gc  1  li  ar  d  t  n'»er  Uatheritiv  von  Verona;  Neander  Leben  dfs 
Ratlicrius,  in  IX-utsilien  Zeit.-^chrift  1851. 

'  Sec  tlio  Vitae  of  Ikrno  and  hi*  successors,  written  by    his  pupils,  in  ^la- 
billon  Acta  Sanctorum,  Sec.  V.  VI. 


§  117.       THE    CLERGY    AND    MONASTICISM.  117 

charge.  His  energetic  successor  Odo  (f  942)  exerted  a  still 
more  important  influence  in  the  same  direction.  The  impres- 
sions of  a  severe  sickness  had  turned  him  away  from  a  life 
at  court  to  the  clerical  profession,  and  having  studied  the 
Benedictine  rule  while  a  canonical  priest  at  Tours,  and 
being  shocked  at  the  contrast  between  its  requirements  and 
the  actual  monastic  life  about  him,  he  left,  and  placed  him- 
self under  Berno's  instruction,  who,  at  his  death,  bequeathed 
,to  him  the  care  of  most  of  the  monasteries  he  had  estab- 
lished or  reformed.  Under  his  administration,  the  monastery 
of  Clugny  in  Burgundy,  which  had  been  founded  in  910  by 
Berno  at  the  suggestion  of  William  duke  of  Aquitania,  ac- 
quired high  renown,  and  became  the  head  and  model  of  all 
the  other  monasteries'  of  the  Congregation  of  Clvgny  in  the 
Benedictine  order.^  The  congregation  soon  became  a  re- 
ligious power  in  France,  was  distinguished  for  the  excessive 
strictness  of  its  asceticism,  and,  by  its  zealous  and  successful 
labors  in  the  education  of  youth,  and  afterwards  in  science 
and  art,  contributed  greatly  towards  the  physical  and  spir- 
itual well-being  of  the  French  populations.  Its  influence 
was  also  greatly  enhanced  by  the  high  personal  character  of 
its  first  abbots,  —  viz.,  after  Berno  and  the  revered  Odo, 
Aymar  till  948,  Majolus  till  994,  Odilo  till  1048,  and  Hugo 
the  friend  of  Hildebrand.  The  acting  abbot  of  Clugny  was 
the  head  of  the  whole  Congregation,  was  chosen  by  the 
monks  there,  and  from  thence  sent  out  priors  to  the  other 
monasteries,  who,  in  an  annual  convocation  at  Clugny, 
attended  to  the  supervision  and  legislation  of  the  whole 
body. 

The  idea  of  such  monastic  congi-egations,  or,  in  the  nar- 
rower sense,  of  monastic  orders,  accorded  with  the  spirit  of 
the  time,  and  hence  similar  associations  to  that  of  Clugny 
arose  also  in  Italy  and  Germany  during  this  period.     In 

J  In  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  they  numbered  two  thousand,  and 
were  mostly  in  France. 

2  Bihliotheca  Cluniacensis,  in  qua  Sanctorum  Patrum  Abbatum  vitae,  mirac- 
ula,  scripta  rec. 


118  A.  D.  814—1073.     church  polity. 

1018,  Romuald,^  of  the  race  of  the  dukes  of  Ravenna  (died 
1027,  aged  120),  founded  a  congregation  of  eremites  at 
Canialdoli  in  a  district  of  the  Appenines,  which  afterwards 
became  the  Order  of  Camaldulcsians ;  and  John  Gualberl,' 
(f  1093)  established  the  coenobite  order  of  Vallambrosans 
at  Vallambrosa.  The  vow  of  renunciation  adopted  by  both 
of  these  orders,  extended  even  to  the  enjoyment  of  the  re- 
ligious life,  and  to  social  conversation.  In  Germany,  -the 
abbot  William  of  Hirsaii  (§  J09)  founded  the  congregation 
of  Ilirsau  after  the  model  of  Clugny. 

There  are,  moreover,  individual  monks  in  this  period,  out- 
side of  the  great  monastic  associations,  who  remind  us  of 
the  virtues  of  the  monks  of  an  earlier  time.  An  illustrious 
example  of  this  kind  is  Nilits,  surnamed  the  younger,  born 
of  Grecian  parents  at  Rosano  in  Calabria,  the  founder  of 
several  monasteries  in  Italy,  who  exhibited  in  the  midst  of 
the  corruption  of  the  Italian  church  in  the  tenth  century  the 
model  of  a  life  wholly  consecrated  to  Christian  benevolence, 
the  instrument  of  many  conversions,  and  an  uncompromis- 
ing rebuker  of  wickedness  in  high  places,  as  his  dealing  wiih 
the  emperor  Otto  III.  shows.  He  died  in  1005,  having  de- 
parted to  a  retired  convent,  in  order  to  prevent  the  canon- 
ization of  his  boncs.^  The  same  spirit  animated  his  pupil, 
the  abbot  Bartholomew. 


1  Vita  hy  Damiani  in  Mahillon  Acta  Sanctorum,  Sacc.  IV.  Pars.  I.  p.  247. 

2  Vita  in  Mabillon  Acta  Sanct.  Sacc.  IV.  p.  273. 

3  See  tlie  very  interesting   sketch   of  him   by  Neander  III.  420—124,  drawn 
from  a  biography  iu  the  Acta  Sanctorum, 


SECTION  THIRD. 
Cliristian  Life  and  Worship. 

§  118. 

CHRISTIAN  LIFE. 

The  masses  of  Christendom  from  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh 
century  are  still  less  penetrated  than  previously  by  the  true 
spirit  of  Christianity.     The  religious  life  of  the  rude  popu- 
lations  of  this  age  could  not  prosper,  because  they  were 
wholly  destitute  of  Christian  instruction.     The  knowledge  of 
divine  truth  was  debarred  them,  because  they  neither  pos- 
sessed the  written  word,  nor  heard  the  preached  word.     The 
Scriptures  were  not  accessible  in  the  vernacular  tongue,  and 
there  was  not  a  sufficient  number  of  clergymen  sufficiently 
educated  to  read  and  explain  it  to  the  people.     Even  so 
slender  requisitions  as  were  made  upon  their  clergy  by  the 
more  zealous  and  faithful  bishops,  like  Bincmar  of  Eheims, 
and    Ratherius  of  Verona,  —  namely,  that  they  should    be 
able  to  preach  upon  the   Apostle's    Creed  and  the   Lord's 
Prayer,  should  be  able  to  repeat  the  mass-prayers,  and  to 
read  the  Epistles  of  Paul  and  the  Gospels,  — failed  to  be 
met  in  many  instances,  partly  because,  as  Riculf  bishop  of 
Soisson  testified,  in  a  pastoral  letter  about  the  year  900, 
the  clergy  did  not  possess  an  entire  copy  of  the  Scriptures. 
Requirements  like  that  of  bishop  Herard  of  Tours  in  858, 
that  discourses  should  be  delivered  upon  all  the  principal 
events  of  the  four  Gospels  ;  like  that  of  the  synod  of  May- 
ence  in  848,  that  each  bishop  should  preach  in  a  plain  man- 
ner in  the  vernacular  language,  upon  faith,  retribution,  the 


120    A.  D.  590 — 814.     christian  life  and  worship. 

resurrection,  the  day  of  judgment,  and  good  works  ;    like 
that  of  the  synod  of   Valence,  in  855,  that  no  bishop  should 
forego  the  opportunity  of  giving  instruction  and  warning  in 
a  sermon  ;  and  like  that  of  the  synod  of  Lang-res  and   Sa- 
vonnieres  in  859,  that  schools  should  be  established  for  the 
study  of  the  Bible,  —  requirements  like  these  failed  of  gen- 
eral compliance.       It  was   natural,  consequently,    that  the 
people,  while  supposing  themselves  to  be  Christians,  sank 
deeper  in  superstition.     And  this  was  aggravated  by  the  use 
made  of  ecclesiastical  penances,  which  we  have  seen  bep-an 
to  be  employed  in  the  preceding  period  (§  102),  but  which 
were    now  withdrawn    more    and    more    from    the    control 
of  the  bishops,  and  assumed  an  extreme  and  demoralizing 
form  under  the  steadily  growing  power  of  the  papacy.     At 
first,  each  bishop  had  the  supervision  of  the  whole  system 
of  penance  within  his  own  diocese  ;  but  now,   the  popes, 
encouraged  to  such  a  course  by  the  fact  that  many  persons 
came  to    Rome  upon   matters  of   penance,  —  having  been 
sent  upon   a  pilgrimage  thither  by  their   bishops  ;   or  else 
because  the  bishop  desired  the  opinion  of  the  pope  in  some 
one  difficult  instance,  —  assumed  the  right  of  an  arbitrary 
and  unlimited  interference  with  the  system  of  penance  within 
the  episcopal  dioceses,  and  even  of  giving  papal  absolution 
to  vicious  persons    upon  whom  the  bishops  had   imposed 
penance  for  their  sins.  Protests  of  individual  bishops  and  of 
episcopal  convocations  (like  that  of  the  council  of  Seligen- 
stadt,  in  1022,  under  the  presidency  of  Aribo  bishop  of  May- 
ence,  which  decreed  that  any  absolution,  issuing  from  Rome 
in  contravention  of  penance  inflicted  by  regular  ecclesias- 
tical authority,  should  be  null  and  void)  against  this  new 
and  illegitimate  claim  of  the  popes,  were  all  in  vain.     The 
influence  of  the  popes  upon  the  system  of  penance,  finally 
reached  its  height  in  the  anathema  or  ban,  which,  by  a  decree 
of  the  council  of  Pavia  in  950,  was  declared  to  be  a  higher 
species  of  excommunication,  and  in  the  interdict,  by  which 
an   entire   region  was    excommunicated.     This   latter  was 
often    employed    to  humble  such  turbulent  nobles  as    had 
refused  to  yield  to  the  anathema,  and  was  put  in  execution 


§  119.       CHRISTIAN    WORSHIP.  121 

first  by-  a  provincial  synod  in  1031,  against  some  predatory 
French  barons.  The  anathema  excluded  an  individual 
from  the  church  and  from  Christian  society  ;  while  the  in- 
terdict extended  to  a  whole  province.  During  its  continu- 
ance no  person,  excepting  a  clergyman,  a  beggar,  a  child 
not  above  two  years  old,  and  a  stranger,  could  receive  eccle- 
siastical burial ;  divine  service  must  be  performed  in  private  ; 
baptism  must  be  imparted  only  when  asked  for,  and  the 
communion  be  given  only  to  the  dying;  and  no  marriages 
could  be  performed. 


§  119. 

CHRISTIAN  WORSHIP. 

As  in  morals,  so  in  worship,  superstition  constantly  in- 
creased, and  showed  itself  particularly  in    the  worship  of 
saints,  the   worship  of  relics,   and  the  ivorship  of  images. 
The  worship   of  saints,  favored    and  authorized  as  it  was 
by  the  rising  influence  of  the  papacy,  now  threatened  to 
entirely  supersede  that  of  God.     Hitherto,  each  individual 
diocese  had  had  the  right  to  select  those  whose  memory 
after  their  death  it  would  have  commemorated,  thereby  pre- 
paring the  way  for  the  veneration  of  a  particular  saint  to 
pass  over  into  the  universal  church  ;  but  in  this  period  pope 
John  XV.,  in  993,  declared  that  the  deservedly  revered  bishop 
Ulric  of  Augsburg,^  who  had   been  dead  tor  twenty  years, 
should  be  regarded  a  saint  by  the  whole  church.     This  was 
the  first  instance  of  papal  canonization,  and  did  not  long 
continue  to  be  the  only  one.     The  superstition  of  the  age 
showed  itself  in  perhaps  its  greatest  extreme  in  the  worship 
of  relics.     Great  deception  was  practised  in  palming  olF  the 
bones  of  dead  men  as  relics  capable  of  working  miracles; 
and  in  one  instance,  in  France,  the  design  was  actually  en- 
tertained of  putting  a  devout  person  to  death,  in  order  to 

1  Mabillon  Acta  Sanctorum,  Saec.  V. 


122    A.  D.  814 — 1073.     christian  life  and  worship. 

have  the  corpse  of  a  saint  for  a  protection.  The  French 
church  resisted  for  a  while  the  superstitious  worship  of 
images  which  was  favored  by  the  Roman  church  and  by  the 
church  generally,  but  after  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries 
it  yielded  to  the  current.  The  second  stage  in  the  Image 
Controversy  fell  into  The  first  part  of  this  period,  in  which  a 
renewed  attack.upon  the  image  worship  of  the  Greek  church, 
continuing  until  842,  was  completely  repulsed  (See  §109"). 
In  this  attack  the  French  church  took  the  lead,  and  con- 
tinued to  manifest  its  opposition,  at  least  in  a  passive  man- 
ner, during  the  whole  of  the  ninth  century.  But  afterward, 
owing  to  the  paralyzing  influence  of  the  spirit  of  the  times, 
it  grew  weaker  and  weaker  in  the  struggle,  until  it  lost  all 
its  strength,  and  all  its  inclination  to  wage  the  conflict, — 
the  pope  in  the  meanwhile,  by  a  very  adroit  management 
quietly  enduring  the  heterodoxy  of  the  French  iconoclasts, 
but  bitterly  opposing  that  of  the  Greek  iconoclasts. 

But  while  the  worship  of  the  church  during  this  period 
grew  con-upt  as  a  whole,  there  was  improvement  in  one 
particular,  —  that,  namely,  of  church  music.  Soon  after  the 
death  of  Charlemagne,  the  Gregorian  cantus  firmus  did 
indeed  begin  to  deteriorate,  and  capricious  changes  and  or- 
naments were  introduced  by  the  singers.  But  one  conse- 
quence of  this  was,  that  gradually  a  discantus,  or  cantus 
figuratus,  sprang  up  by  the  side  of  the  cantus  firmus,  and 
the  chant  for  one  voice  became  one  for  two  voices.  Specific 
rules  respecting  harmony  began  to  be  formed,  particularly 
by  IIucbald,Q.  monk  of  Rheims, about  the  year  900,  by  Regi- 
mis,  a  German  monk,  about  the  year  920,  and  by  Odo  the 
abbot  of  Clugny.  In  the  place  of  the  singular  Gregorian 
score,  Guido  of  Arezzo  (1000-1050),  a  Benedictine  monk 
of  Tuscany,  invented  the  present  method  of  writing  the 
scale,  which,  by  means  of  the  so-called  counterpoint  (punc- 
tum  contra  punctum),  added  the  discantus  to  the  cantus. 
The  organ,  also,  soon  after  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  came 
into  more  and  more  general  use,  notwithstanding  its  imper- 
fection, —  having  at  first  only  twelve  keys,  Avhich  were 
struck  with  the  fist. 


§   119.       CHRISTIAN    WORSHIP.  123 

There  was  improvement,  also,  in  the  Hymnologyy  The 
old  hymns  alone  were  no  longer  sufficient ;  and  some  new 
compositions  of  distinguished  merit  appeared,  such  for 
example,  as  the  "  Cantemus  Domino  "  of  Rahanus  Maurus, 
the  "  Lumen  inclytum  refulget "  of  Walafried  Strabo. 
Balbulus,  a  monk  of  St.  Gall  (f  912),  added  the  so-called 
sequenza,  —  a  choral  song,  at  first  without  rhythm,  but  soon 
a  metrical  composition, — to  the  so-called  jubilis,  or  music 
without  words,  of  the  mass.  His  example  was  followed  by 
Robert  of  France,- Hugh  Capet's  son  (flOSl),  in  his  "  Veni 
Sancte  Spiritus,  et  emitte  coelitus,"^  and  Veni  Sancte 
Spiritus,  Reple  tuorum  corda  fidelium;"  also  by  Peter 
Damiani  (11072),  and  the  unknown  author  of  the  "  Media 
vita  in  morte  sum  us,  etc."  About  this  same  time,  the 
people  began  to  take  some  part  in  the  lyrical  services 
of  the  church.  At  first,  their  participation  was  confined  to 
the  singing,  or  crying,  of  the  Kyrie  eleison,  or  Christe  eleison 
in  the  Latin  choral  service ;  but  in  Germany,  the  Kyrie  elei- 
son soon  began  to  be  enlarged  and  enriched  by  fitting 
words  in  the  native  language,  —  the  so-called  Laisen  or  Lais 
(eleison),  a  name  which  passed  over  to  all  sacred  songs 
composed  in  the  vernacular. 

1  See  Koch  Geschichtc  des  Kirchenliedes  ;  Hoffman  von  Fallers- 
leben  Geschichte  des  Kirchenliedes  bis  juf  Luther;  Heydler  Ueber  das 
Wesen  und  die  Anfange  der  cliristlichen  Kircheuheder ;  Daniel  Thesaurus 
Hymnologicus. 

2  Veni  Sancte  Spiritus,  et  emitte  coelitus  lucis  tuae  radium 

Veni  pater  pauperum,  Veni  dator  munerum,  Veni  lu;nen  cordium. 

Consolator  optime,  Dulcis  hospesanimae,  Dulcerefrigeriura, 

In  hxbore  requies,  In.aestu  temperies,  In  fletu  solatium  ! 

O  lux  beatissima,  Re])le  cordis  intima,  Tuorum  fidelium  ! 

Sine  tuo  nomine,  Niliil  est  in  homine,  Nihil  est   innoxium. 

Flecte  quod  est  rigidum,  Fove  quod  est  frigidum,  Rege  quod  est  devium  ! 

Lava  quod  est  sordidum,  Kiga  quod  est  aridum,  Sana  quod  est  saucium  ! 

Da  tuis  fidelibus,  In  te  confidentibns,  Sacram  septcnnarium  ! 

Da  virtutis  meritum,  Da  salutis  exitum,  Da  perenne  gaudium  !     Amen. 


124    A.  D.  814 — 1073.     christian  life  and  worship. 

§  120. 
OPPOSITION  TO  SUPERSTITION. 

A  few  enlightened  and  courageous  men,  chiefly  of  the 
French  church,  and  during  the  time  of  the  second  section 
of  the  image  con:roversy,  raised  their  voices  against  the 
prevailing  superstition  in  life  and  worship.  One  of  them 
was  Ag'oba?'d,  archh'ii^hop  of  Lyons  (f  841),  who  in  a  special 
treatise  combated  the  superstitious  use  of  pictures  and 
images,  and  vehemently  opposed  the  worship  of  saints.  He 
also  greatly  improved  the  Psalmody  of  his  church,  by  a  re- 
vision of  the  liturgy,  which  had  become  greatly  corrupted. 
In  this  work  he  proceeded  upon  the  principle  of  introducing 
into  the  liturgy,  as  far  as  possible,  only  biblical  expressions 
and  phraseology.  He  earnestly  objected  to  an  artificial 
style  of  church  music,  which,  he  said,  belonged  rather  to 
the  theatre,  and  blames  those  clergymen  who,  in  their  devo- 
tion to  the  subject  of  sacred  music,  neglect  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures.^  Another  of  these  reformers  was  Junas  the  ven- 
erated bishop  of  Orleans  (f  843),  who  has  left  a  work,  De 
cultu  iinaginnm,  and  another,  De  institutione  laicali,  in 
which  he  inveighs  against  a  dead,  fruitless  faith,  and  places 
the  essence  of  true  penitence  in  the  crushing  of  the  heart  and 
confession  before  God.  Nearly  a  century  later,  Ratherius, 
bishop  of  Verona,  urged  so  strict  a  virtue,  that  his  clergy 
complained  that  he  made  the  way  to  heaven  too  dilFicult 
for  any  mortal  to  walk  in. 

The  most  distinguished  of  these  reformers  was  Claudius 
bishop  of  Turin  (f  about  840),  a  learned  Spaniard  who 
had  been  educated  by  the  diligent  study  of  the  Bible  and 
of  St.  Augustine, —  a  man  of  glowing  zeal  and  genuine  re- 
formatory illumination,  but  somewhat  inclined  to  a  hyper- 
spiritualism  that  sometimes  carried  him  beyond  the  golden 
mean.-     Invited  to  his  court  by  Louis  the  Pious,  he  was 

1  Opera  Agohnnli.  Ed  Bnluzii.  Comjxirc  II  u  n  d  csli  age  n  De  A;,'oImrdi 
vita  et  scriptis.  .  " 

'^  Cliiudius  wus  charged  !>y  his  opponent  witli  lioing  a  diseijiie  of  Felix  of  Urgel- 


§  120.       OPPOSITION    TO    SUPERSTITION.  125 

then  sent  by  the  king  to  Turin,  in  Italy,  the  principal  seat  of 
superstition,  where  he  proceeded  earnestly,  and  sometimes  in 
a  manner  that  was  not  always  wise,  against  the  use  of  ima- 
ges, and  insisted  upon  their  entire  and  immediate  banish- 
ment from  the  church.  He  also  opposed  the  use  of  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  asserting  that  it  owed  its  origin  to  an  unwilling- 
ness to  bear  the  cross  after  Christ;  and  the  worship  of  saints, 
saying  that  nothing  but  the  imitation  of  the  saints  in  faith 
and  life  could  be  of  benefit.  His  views  were  combated  by 
Dungal,  a  monk  probably  from  Scotland  or  Ireland,  and 
also  by  his  old  friend  Thcodemir  abbot  of  Nismes ;  and 
when  the  pope,  Paschalis  I.  (817-824),  gave  his  voice  against 
him,  he  disputed  the  papal  authority.  During  his  continual 
contests  and  manifold  persecutions,  Claudius  was  strongly 
sustained  by  the  inward  peace  and  joy  that  flowed  from  his 
faith  in  Christ's  justifying  righteousness,  and  as  he  was  under 
the  emperor's  protection,  the  pope  dared  not  make  any  at- 
tempts upon  his  person.  Yet  Louis  by  no  means  agreed 
with  the  views  of  Claudius  upon  the  controverted  points, 
and  devolved  upon  Jonas,  bishop  of  Orleans,  the  task  of 
refuting  them.  Jonas  published  soon  after  the  death  of 
Claudius  in  840,  his  work  De  cultu  imaginum,  in  which  he 
reaffirmed  the  old  mid-way  principles  of  the  Libri  Carolini 
(§  109)  respecting  the  use  of  images.'  About  the  same 
time,  Walafried  Strabo,  abbot  of  Reichenau  (f  849),  main- 
tained the  same  Carolinian  views  in  his  liturgical  work, 
De  exordiis  et  incrementis  rerum  ecclesiasticarura,  in  which 
he  expressed  the  opinion  that  one  might  as  well  abolish 
church  edifices  and  everything  else  of  a  visible  nature,  upon 
the  ground  that  they  might  be  abused  for  purposes  of  su- 
perstition, as  to  utterly  abolish  images  for  the  same  reason. 
This  was  the  last  clear  defence  of  the  Carolinian  principles 
in  the  French  church. 

lis,  who  maintained  the  Adoptian  theory.  But  there  is  no  trace  of  Adoptianisin 
in  his  commentaries  upon  the  Scriptures,  of  which  considerable  is  extant.  See 
Bibliotheca  Pati-um  Lugd.  T.  XIV. ;  Rudelbach  Claudii  Taurin.  ineditorum 
operum  specimina. 

1    The  writings  of  Jonas,  Theodemir,  and  Dungal  against  Claudius  are  con- 
tained in  Biblioth.  Patr.  Lugd.  T.  XIV. 


SECTION  FOUETH. 
History  of  Doctrine. 

CHAPTER  FIRST. 

THEOLOGY    AND    CONTROVERSIES. 

§    121. 

SErARATION  OF  THE  EASTERN  FROM  THE  WESTERN  CnURCII. 

W  a  1  c  h  nistoria  controvcrsiae  Graccoruni  Latinommquc  de  processione  Spir- 
itus  Sancti.  Ncandcr  Church  History  III.  553-586.  Maimhourg  His- 
toirc  du  schisme  dcs  Grecs.  Leo  Allatius  Dc  ccdesiac  oocidentalis  et 
oricntalis  pcrpctua  consensione.  For  the  orignal  documents  sec  Ca  nisi  us 
Lcctiones  antiquac  III.  271  sq.,  and  Cotclerius  Eccle.siae  Graecae  monu- 
menta  II. 

The  separation  of  the  Eastern  from  (he  Western  church 
was  an  event  of  great  importance  in  respect  to  the  devel- 
opment of  dogmatic  theology.  The  grounds  of  the  differ- 
ences between  the  two  churclies  were  partly  natural,  and 
partly  ecclesia.'^tical.  The  Greek  was  excitable  and  change- 
able ;  the  Roman  was  characterized  by  firmness  and 
steadiness.  The  former  was  inclined  to  speculation  ;  the 
latter  was  practical  in  his  tendency.  The  (Jreek  cultivated 
speculative  dogmatics  ;  the  Roman  became  more  and  more 
interested  in  the  sacramental  aspects  of  the  church.  In  the 
West  there  was  sullicient  freedom  to  secure  a  healthy 
growth,  until  the  formation  of  the  j^apal  despot4sm  ;  in  the 
East    the    church    was    manacled    by  the    imperial    pt)\ver. 


§  121.   SEPARATION  OF  THE  CHURCHES.        127 

These  differences  between  the  two  great  divisions  of  Chris- 
tendom did  not,  however,  result  in  a  schism,  until  they  were 
heightened  and  aggravated  by  other  causes.  Dogmatic  dis- 
agreement first  exerted  its  influence.  After  the  fourth 
century,  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit  assumed  a  different 
speculative  form  in  the  East  from  what  it  did  in  the  West. 
The  oecumenical  council  of  Constantinople,  in  381,  had  de- 
cided, in  opposition  to  the  Macedonian  theory  that  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  the  creature  of  the  Father  through  the  Son,  that 
the  third  person  as  well  as  the  second  is  consubstantial  with 
the  first,  and  is  of  equal  dignity  with  the  second  (Ancient 
Church  §  85).  The  council  did  not,  however,  decide  whether 
the  procession  of  the  Spirit  is  from  the  Father  only,  or  from 
both  the  Father  and  Son.  In  respect  to  this  question,  the 
Western  church,  from  the  desire  to  maintain  the  complete 
equality  between  the  Father  and  Son,  under  the  influence 
of  the  Trinitarian  speculations  of  Augustine  inclined  more 
and  more  to  the  position  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceeds  from 
the  Father  and  Son ;  and  when  the  Spanish  church  had  oc- 
casion to  receive  into  its  communion  the  converted  Arian 
Gothic  king  Reccared  (Ancient  Church  §68),  it  added 
the  clause  filioque  to  the  Constantinople  symbol,  by  the 
decision  of  the  Council  of  Toledo  in  589.  The  Eastern 
church  from  the  first  viewed  this  addition  to  a  venerable 
oecumenical  symbol  with  suspicion,  and  as  the  action  of  the 
council  of  Toledo  had  been  re-affirmed  at  GentiUy  in  767, 
at  Friaulin  796,  and  at  Aix  la  Chapelle  under  the  authority 
of  Charlemagne  in  809  (See  §110),  the  opening  of  this 
period  found  this  particular  dogmatic  ground  of  divergence 
between  the  East  and  the  West  fully  established.  Again, 
there  were  differences  between  the  Greek  and  the  Latin 
church  which  had  respect  to  ecclesiastical  ordinances  and 
laws.  The  Western  church  accepted  only  fifty  Apostolical 
Canons;  the  Eastern  accepted  eighty-five  (Ancient  Church 
§  57).  The  latter  permitted  all  clergymen,  excepting  bishops, 
to  live  in  the  marriage  connection,  in  case  they  were  already 
married  when  ordained  ;  the  former  prohibited  this.  The 
Greek  maintained,  and  the  Latin  denied,  that  the  patriarch 


128  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  DocxraNE. 

of  Constantinople  was  equal  in  rank  with  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  —  a  point  which  gradually  eclipsed  all  others,  in 
practical  importance,  as  the  power  of  the  papacy  advanced. 
The  Western  church  allowed,  and  the  Eastern  forbade,  fast- 
ing upon  Saturday,  the  eating  of  blood  and  things  strangled, 
and  the  use  of  the  figure  of  a  lamb  to  represent  Christ 
These  dilferences  were  distinctly  enunciated  and  established 
by  the  Greek  church,  at  the  Second  Trullan  Council  in  692 
(§  106).  In  this  manner,  the  way  to  an  open  conflict  be- 
tween the  two  sections  of  Christendom  was  abundantly 
prepared.  Yet  these  differences  did  not  work  out  their 
/inal  consequences,  in  a  public  and  formal  schism  between 
the  East  and  the  West,  until  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
century. 

The  venerable  patriarch  Ignatius  of  Constantinople,  in 
the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  felt  compelled  to  set  him- 
self in  opposition  to  the  vice  and  godlessness  of  the  court, 
which  was  under  the  influence  of  the  corrupt  Bardas,  the 
uncle,  and  guardian  during  his  minority,  of  Michael  III. 
He  denied  the  sacrament  to  Bardas,  and  refused  to  be  his 
servile  instrument,  and  was  therefore  deposed  and  banished 
in  858.  The  most  learned,  and  perhaps  the  most  vain  man 
in  the  Greek  church,  Photius^^  the  captain  of  the  emperor's 
body  guard  and  his  private  secretary,  was  made  patriarch 
in  his  stead.  But  nothing  could  induce  Ignatius  to  yield 
his  conviction  that  his  rights  had  been  violated,  or  to  ac- 
quiesce in  the  procedure.  In  order  to  overcome  the  party 
of  Ignatius,  and  at  the  same  time  to  escape  the  odium  of 
the  horrid  barbarities  of  Bardas  (who  scourged,  imprisoned, 

1  The  most  important  work  of  Pliotius  is  his  Bihiiothcca,  —  a  rollcrtion  of  ex- 
tracts from  two  Imnilrcd  and  cij:hty  works,  most  of  which  are  not  extant,  with 
accounts  of  tliem  ;  edited  by  lloesclielius,  IfiOl,  and  liy  Bekker,  1824.  Besides 
this,  he  has  kft  a  manual  of  ecclesiastical  law,  NoMOKovtif,  in  two  parts,  —  the 
first  part  (edited  by  Beverid^'c)  relaiinf,'  to  the  synodal  canons,  and  the  second 
(in  Justelii  Hiblioth.)  to  diureli  statutes  passed  by  the  government.  Tiiotius  also 
composed  Advcrsus  I'aulinastiw  sc.  receniiores  Slaniehaeos  lil)b.  IV.,  several 
tlicolopcal  tracts,  two  hundred  and  fifty-three  letters,  unpul)lished  commentaries 
upon  Pauls  Epistles,  and  a  Cm-ek  lexicon  of  great  value  in  Greek  philolot:y, 
edited  by  Ileriaanii  1808,  and  Torson,  1823. 


§  121.   SEPARATION  OF  THE  CHURCHES.        129 

and  mutilated  the  adherents  of  Ignatius),  ana  the  blas- 
phemies of  the  emperor  (who  caused  his  favorites  to  play,  in 
buffoonery,  the  parts  of  patriarchs  and  bishops),  Photius 
convened  a  synod  at  Constantinople,  in  859,  which  passed 
sentence  of  deposition  upon  the  absent  Ignatius.  Ignatius 
refused  to  abdicate,  or  in  any  way  to  recognize  the  authority 
of  the  synod ;  whereupon  Photius  appealed  to  pope  Nich- 
olas I.  for  assistance  in  accomplishing  his  design.  Unbi- 
assed by  the  honor  which  Photius  and  the  emperor  had 
showed  him  by  this  appeal,  the  pope  sent  two  bishops,  as 
his  legates,  to  Constantinoj^le  to  make  further  inquiry,  and 
bring  back  a  report.  The  two '  legates,  without  obeying 
their  instructions,  were  induced  to  take  part  in  a  Council  at 
Constantinople^  in  861,  which  was  as  subservient  as  the 
preceding  one  to  the  emperor's  will,  and  re-affirmed  the  de- 
position of  Ignatius  (who  was  present  and  was  treated 
with  shameful  disrespect),  and  the  appointment  of  Photius.  ' 
Nevertheless,  Nicholas  soon  learned  the  true  state  of  the 
case,  and  at  a  synod  at  Rome,  in  863,  excommunicated  his 
two  legates,  deposed  Photius,  excommunicated  him  in  case 
he  would  not  abdicate,  and  declared  Ignatius  to  be  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople.  The  angry  correspondence 
which  now  passed,  first  between  Ignatius  and  the  emperor, 
and  then  between  him  and  Photius,  was  made  still  more 
angry  by  a  new  question  that  arose  respecting  ecclesiastical 
authority  over  the  Bulgarians  (See  §  113),  which  each 
church  sought  to  gain.  The  feeling  rose  so  high  that,  at  a 
Council  at  Constantinople^  in  867,  to  which  he  had  invited 
the  Eastern  bishops  in  an  encyclical  letter  violently  denun- 
ciatory of  Rome  (Photii  Ep.  2),  Photius  deposed  and  ex- 
communicated the  pope.  In  this  letter,  he  charges  upon 
the  Roman  church  the  heresies  of  fasting  upon  Saturday, 
of  corrupting  the  great  fasts,  of  despising  confirmation  from 
the  hands  of  a  presbyter,  of  forbidding  regular  clerical  mar- 
riage, and  particularly  of  falsifying  the  Nicaeno-Constanti- 
nopolitan  symbol  in  respect  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  —  which  latter  he  denominated  the  sin  against  the 
Holy    Ghost.     Nicholas   regarded   this  attack   of  Photius 


130  A.  I).  81 1 — 1073.     HISTORY  of  doctrine. 

upon  himself  as  an  attack  upon  the  whole  Latin  church, 
and  thus  the  contest  between  the  two  highest  ecclesiastics 
became  one  between  the  two  sections  of  Christendom. 
Nicholas  called  upon  the  principal  bishops  to  defend  their 
church  against  the  attacks  of  the  Greeks,  and  thus  the  sep- 
arating wall  was  built  up  between  them.'  The  condition 
of  alTairs,  nevertheless,  seemed  to  change  materially,  when 
the  emperor  Basil  the  Macedonian^  —  the  murderer  of  Mi- 
chael, to  whom,  it  is  said,  Photius  refused  the  communion, — 
in  867,  declared  in  favor  of  Ignatius,  and  sent  to  pope  Ha- 
drian II.  for  a  new  decision.  A  synod  at  Rome  in  868 
declared  the  proceedings  of  the  last  Constantinopolitan 
synod  to  be  null  and  void,  deposed  Photius,  and  reinstated 
Ignatius  ;  and  a  new  Si/nod  at  Constantinople,  in  869  (which 
the  Latin  church  regards  as  the  eighth  oecumenical),  publicly 
ratified  these  decisions.  But  soon  after  this,  the  Bulgarian 
controversy  broke  out  anew  between  the  two  churches,  in 
the  heat  of  which  Ignatius  died  (in  878),  and  Photius,  who 
during  his  adversity  had  shown  more  discretion  than  during 
his  prosperity,  and  had  even  lived  in  friendly  relations  with 
Ignatius,  was  appointed  patriarch  again.  Pope  John  VIII. 
now  perceived  that  a  controversy  with  Photius  would  be 
productive  of  no  advantage ;  and  Photius,  on  the  other 
h;iii(l,  made  wise  by  his  experience,  perceived  how  imjiortant 
a  connection  with  the  Roman  church  would  be  to  him,  in 
his  contest  with  his  rivals.  This  he  sought,  and  the  pope 
actually  declared  himself  ready,  notwithstanding  the  course 
which  his  j>apal  predecessors  had  pursued,  to  absolve  Pho- 
tius from  all  spiritual  penalties,  and  to  acknowledge  him  as 
patriarch,  provided  he  would  ask  forgiveness  of  the  Roman 
church,  and  would  renounce  all  claims  of  authority  over  the 
Bulgarians.  The  papal  legates  came  to  Constantinople,  in 
879,  to  arrange  the  whole  matter.  But  Photius,  at  the  new 
Council  at  Constantinople,  in  879  and  880  (which  the  Greek 

'  The  controvcrsinl  tmrts  on  the  Lntin  side  nrc  contnlned  in  A  c  n  c  n  e  cpiscopi 
Parisiensis  lih  adv.  Grnccos  ;  ami  in  the  more  iniportnut  works  of  Ratram- 
n  u  8  (Sec  §  122)  Contra  Graccorum  op|Misita,  lloinanani  ertlesiain  infaiuantium 
libb  IV. 


§   121.       SEPARATION    OF    CHURCTIES.  131 

Church, excepting  the  rival  party  opposed  to  Photius,  recog- 
nize as  the  eig:hth  oecumenical),  appeared  by  no  means  ready 
to  concede  so  much  to  the  pope.     Without  any  further  ex- 
planations, he  assumed  the  position  of  a  legitimate  patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  allowed  the  letter  of  the  pope  to  be 
read  to  the  council  in  a  mutilated  and  weakened  version, 
and  amused  the  papal  legates  with  courtly  attentions.     For 
a  while  the  pope  still  expected  that  Photius  would  yield  ; 
but  he  waited  in  vain,  and  at  length  pronounced  an  anath- 
ema upon  him,  and  upon  all  who  should  acknowledge  him 
as  patriarch.     Even  the  new  deposition  of  Photius  by  the 
emperor  Leo  the  Philosopher,  in  886,  did  not  lead  to  a  resto- 
ration of  friendly  relations  with  Rom.e,  although  the  rival 
party  to  Photius  lent  all  their  endeavors  to  this  end ;  and 
even  after  the  death  of  Photius  (in  exile  in  891),  the  contest 
between  the  two  churches  continued. 

The  tenth  century,  witnessed  a  comparative  forgetfulness 
of  the  strife,  though  no  restoration  of  a  friendly  union  be- 
tween the  East  and  the  West ;  but  in  the  eleventh  century, 
the  contest  broke  out  again  with  new  violence,  and  for  ever 
burst  the  bands  of  communion  between  the   Greek    and 
Latin  churches.     The  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  Michael 
Cenilarins,  a  violent  enemy  of  the  Latins,  caused  all  their 
churches  and  cloisters  at  Constantinople  to  be  closed,  and, 
m  1053,  in  conjunction  with  Leo  of  Achrida,  the  metropol' 
itan  of  Bulgaria,  addressed  a  letter  to  John  bishop  of  Trani 
m  Apulia,  in  which  he  attacked  the  Latin  doctrine  and  usa- 
ges with  fanatical  and  blind  zeal.     The  chief  gi-ound  upon 
which  he  hereticated  the  Western  church  was  a  new  one,  the 
use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Supper, '—  a 
usage  which  certainly  did  not  exist  in  the  first  eight' cen- 
turies, common  bread  being  universally  employed,  but  which 
since  the  ninth  century,^  partly   in   order  to   approximate 
more  nearly  to  the    original    passover   feast  which    Christ 
himself  kept,  and  partly  in  order  to  distinguish  the  sacra- 

iRabanus  Maurus  De  institut.  cleric.  I.  31.     Compare    Hermann 
±list.  concertt.  de  pane  azymo  et  fermentato. 


132  A.  D.  S14— 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

mental  bread  from  that  of  ordinary  meals,  had  been  intro- 
duced into  the  Western  church,  witliout  hitherto  awakening 
any  scruples  on  the  part  of  the  Greek  church.  Michael 
thought  he  saw  in  the  Latin  usage  a  plain  leaning  towards 
Judaism,  and  gave  to  its  advocates  the  name  of  Azy mites. 
The  letter  came  into  the  hands  of  the  cardinal  bishop  Uum- 
bert,  a  zealous  polemic,  who  immediately  translated  it,  and 
sent  it  to  pope  Leo  IX.,  who  issued  a  treatise  in  defence  of 
the  Latin  church,  which  was  followed  by  one  from  Hum- 
bert in  Constantinople.  For  political  reasons,  the  contro- 
versy was  very  inopportune  to  the  emperor  Constantine  Mo- 
nomachus.  He  therefore  purposed  to  bring  abcvut  peace 
between  the  contending  parties,  and  pope  Leo,  in  10o4,  at 
the  emperor's  suggestion  sent  three  deputies  (cardinal  Hum- 
bert, the  archbishop  of  Amalfi,  and  the  archdeacon  of  Rome) 
to  Constantinople,  for  the  purpose  of  settling  the  dillicul- 
ties.  But  these,  with  Humbert  in  the  midst  of  them,  only 
made  matters  worse.  The  humiliation,  by  the  aid  of  the 
emperor,  of  the  Greek  Studite  monk  Nicetas  Pectoratus^  a 
violent  opponent  of  the  Latins,  who  was  compelled  to  burn 
his  polemic  treatise  before  the  eyes  of  the  papal  deputies, 
embittered  the  patriarch  Michael  in  the  highest  degree.  No 
imperial  threats  availed  to  make  him  yield,  and  both  the 
clergy  and  people  defended  him.  On  the  16th  of  July,  1054, 
the  papal  deputies  laid  down  upon  the  altar  of  the  church 
of  St.  Sophia,  a  letter  of  excommunication  against  him. 
The  patriarch  immediately  replied  with  a  similar  letter  of 
excommunication  against  the  pope,  and  the  other  Oriental 
patriarchs  sided  with  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  Peter, 
the  patriarch  of  Antioch,  alone,  upon  the  ground  that  the 
j)()int  of  disjmte  was  an  unessential  one,  and  that  the  Latin 
"  barbarians"  could  not  be  expected  to  equal  the  Greeks  in 
dogmatic  accuracy,  still  counselled  peace ;  but  his  voice 
met  with  no  echo,  and  the  schism  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  churches  was  now  transmitted  from  century  to 
century. 

This  contest   nearly   extinguished  theological  science  in 
the  Cireek  church.     With  the  exceptions  of  Plwtius  in  the 


§  122.       THEOLOGY    IN    THE    WEST.  133 

ninth  century,  and  Simeon  Metaphrastes  and  Oecumenius  in 
the  tenth,  the  Greek  church  presents  no  important  names 
during  the  whole  of  this  period.  Metaphrastes  (1977)  is 
the  author  of  122  Vitae  Sanctorum  ^ ;  and  Oecumenius 
composed  a  commentary,  out  of  the  writings  of  earlier  ex- 
egetes,  upon  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment Epistles.^  Eutychius  Said,  the  contemporary  of  both 
(f  940),  patriarch  of  the  Melchites  at  Alexandria,  is  the  au- 
thor of  a  chronicle  of  secular  and  sacred  history  written  in 
Arabic  3  (Ancient  Church,  §6),  —  but  his  ecclsiastical  rela- 
tions were  Asiatic  rather  than  European. 


§  122. 

THEOLOGY  IN  THE  WEST. 

LaunoiusDe scholis celehrioribus a Carolo Maximo instauratis ;  H i s t o i r e 
L  i  t  e  r  a  i  r  e  de  la  France,  par  des  Benedictins. 

Only  in  the  first  third,  and  last  third,  of  this  period,  en- 
closing the  dark  tenth  century  between  them,  are  there  any 
signs  of  active  theological  life  in  the  Latin  church. 

Theology,  in  the  ninth  century,  owing  to  the  lingering 
influence  of  the  Carolingian  age  transmitted  in  the  monas- 
teries, took  principally  a  biblico -practical  direction,  which 
was  strengthened  by  the  zealous  study  of  the  scriptures, 
together  with  the  commentaries  of  the  church  Fathers,  par- 
ticularly Augustine.  The  more  distinguished  theologians 
of  this  school  were :  Rabanus  Maurus,'^  born  at  Mayence  in 
776,  educated  first  at  the  cloister  of  Fulda  and  afterwards 
in  Alcuin's  seminary  at  Tours,  deacon  in  801,  priest  in  814, 

iLeo  Albatius  De  variis  Simeonibus  et  Simeonum  scriptis. 

2EdMorellus.     Par.  1631. 

'^Edited  by  Pococke  Oxon  16.58;  Compare  Renaudot  Historia  patri 
arch.  .\lexRndr.  Jacobitarum,  p.  346  sq. 

*  Opera  cd  Colvenerius.  Compare  B  u  d  d  a  e  u  s  De  vita  ac  doctrina  Rabani, 
and  Histoii'c  Literairo  de  la  France  T.  V.  p.  151.  sq. 


134  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

appointed  in  810  overseer  of  the  cloister  school  at  Fulda, 
abbot  of  Fnlda  from  822  to  842  (during  which  time  he 
twice  resigned  the  post  and  withdrew  into  solitude),  elected 
archbishop  of  Mayence  in  847,  in  which  post  he  died  in  856, 
—  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his  time,  and  one  of  the 
most  active  in  disseminating  Christian  knowledge,  well 
known  tlirough  his  commentaries  upon  nearly  the  whole 
Bible,  his  Introduction  to  Theological  Study  for  the  use  of 
clergymen  (De  clericorum  institutione),  his  writings  upon 
Morals  (De  vitiis  et  virtutibus),  upon  Church  Discipline 
(De  disciplina  ecclesiastica),  his  Martyrology,  Horrilies, 
Poems  (De  mysterio  sancti  crucis),  Letters,  and  his  Gram- 
matical and  Philosophical  Writings  (Etymologiae  s.  de 
universo) ;  secondly,  Claudius  bishop  of  Turin  (§  119),  the 
author  of  many  commentaries  upon  the  Bible  (of  which 
only  that  upon  Galatians  has  been  printed)  ;  thirdly,  Wala- 
fried  Strabo,  born  807,  educated  at  Fulda,  abbot  of  the 
monastery  at  Reichenau  where  he  died  in  849,  who,  besides 
many  poems  and  liturgical  compositions,  wrote  a  brief  run- 
ning commentary  upon  the  whole  Bible  (Glossa  ordinaria 
in  Biblia),'  which  became  the  general  manual  of  exegesis 
in  the  succeeding  mediaeval  centuries ;  fourthly,  Hajjmo, 
born  778,  educated  at  Tours,  elected  bishop  of  Halberstadt 
in  840,  and  died  853,  tiie  author  of  many  Biblical  commen- 
taries and  of  a  church  history  ;  2  and  lastly.  Christian  DrutJi- 
mar,  a  monk  of  Corbie,  afterwards  a  teacher,  about  850,  in 
the  monasteries  of  Stavelo  and  Malmedy,  who  in  liis  Com- 
mentary upon  Matthew,  in  opposition  to  an  arbitrary  alle- 
gorizing, revived  again  the  grammatical  method  of  the 
Antiochian  school. 

This  practical  tendency  towards  the  study  of  the  Scrij)- 
tures  was  strengthened,  moreover,  by  the  rise  and  cultivation 
of  Sacred  Biblical  Poeiry.  In  the  ninth  century,  scriptural 
poems  took  the  place,  among  the  Germanic  races,  of  the 
old  pagan  war  songs.     The  earliest  pieces  of  this  kind  that 


1  Ed.  Antwerp.     16.34. 

*  Ed.  Mudcrus  1G71.     Compare  Ancient  Church  ^  G. 


,§    122.       THEOLOGY    IN    THE    WEST.  135 

are   extant,  are   the   Hildehr  and  sited,   and    the    Wessohmn 
Prayer,  — Q.  metrical  supplication.     Of  a  similar  character 
is  a  poem  upon  the  judgment,  fragments  of  which  have 
been  preserved  under  the  title  of  MuspiUi  (Penal  fire).     But 
the  most  important  of  these  productions  is  a  Low  German, 
Old- Saxon  work  of  the  ninth  century,  the  so-called  Heli- 
and,  (i.e.  Heiland  or  Saviour),  —  a  sacred  epic  narrating, 
upon  the  basis  of  the  four  gospels,  the  life  of  Christ.     It  is 
one  of  the  simplest  and  grandest  specimens  of  early  na- 
tional  poetry,  and  contributed  greatly  to  popularize   the 
gospel  among  the  German  races.'      About  thirty  years  later 
than  the  Heliand,  appeared  the  poetical  paraphrase  in  High 
German,  of  the  Gospel  Harmony,  by  Otfried.-^     Contempo- 
raneously with  these  metrical  paraphrases  of  the  gospels 
upon  the  continent,  were  produced  those  Anglo-Saxon  par- 
aphrases in  England,  of  portions  of  the  Scriptures,  which 
go  under  the  name  of  Caedmon. 

Besides  these  practico-biblical  tendencies,  a  contemplative 
mystical  theology  sprang  up  in  the  Western  church,  in  the 
ninth  century.  It  took  its  first  origin  from  the  Greek  church, 
through  the  writings  of  Dionysius  the  Areopagite  (§105), 
which  the  emperor  Michael  Balbus  sent  in  824  to  Lewis 
the  Pious,  who  commissioned  the  abbot  HUduin  (f  840),  and 
afterwards  Scotus  Erigena,  to  translate  them.  The  influ- 
ence of  these  writings  was  enhanced,  moreover,  by  a  work 
founded  upon  them,  entitled  Areopagitica,  by  Hilduin,  in 
which  the  Pseudo-Dionysius  is  represented  as  the  founder 
of  the  church  at  Paris  (Ancient  Church,  §  18) .3 

1  Edited  by  S  c  h  m  e  1 1  e  r ,  and  translated  into  German  by  G  r  e  i  n  . 

2  It  is  entitled  &ist,  and  has  been  critically  edited  by  G  r  a  f  f ,  and  contained 
in  Sdiilter's  Thesaurus  Antiquitatum  Teutoniarum.  Compare  Lechler 
Otfried's  althochdeutsches  Evangelium,  in  Theol.  Studien.  1848.  See  a  metrical 
translation  of  a  fragment  of  it  by  C  o  1  e  r  i  d  g  e  ,  Works  VII.  301-2.  _  Upon  the 
Old  German  Poe*ry  compare  Gervinus  Geschichte  der  poet.    National^ 

3  Contemporaneonslv  with  this  ecclesiastical  mysticism,  the  Jeivish  Cabbala 
poured  out  upon  the  Middle.  Ages  a  mass  of  works  of  a  magical  -d  t^em^- 
cast.  The  first  of  them  appear  about  780.  They  emanate  from  Palestme  and 
Persia,  where  Jewish  seminaries  flourished  until  the  downfall  of  the  Jewi|^h  pa- 
triarchate  in  1038.  In  Europe,  the  first  traces  of  the  doctrines  of  the  C^bbalist. 
are  seen  in  Italy  and  Southern  France;  from  whence  they  puss  mto  Isorthcni 


136  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrjxe. 

In  close  connection  with  this  mysticism,  and  somewhat 
conditioned  by  it,  some  germs  of  a  speculative  dialectical 
tendency  in  theology  made  their  appearance,  particularly  i^.* 
the  Irish  monasteries.  Its  representative  is  John  Scutiis 
Erig-ena,  who  resided  after  84o  at  the  court  of  Charlemagne, 
and  died  about  the  year  877.i  Educated  by  the  study  of 
Augustine,  but  still  more  of  the  Greek  theologians  Origen, 
Gregory  Nyssa,  Maximus,  and  particularly  Dionysius  the 
Areopagite,  Scotus  attempted,  in  opposition  to  a  dogmatics 
based  only  upon  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  and  the 
church  Fathers,  to  deduce  Christianity  and  its  doctrines  phil- 
osophically, from  the  principles  of  reason,  in  a  priori  man- 
ner. Assuming  that  rational  perception  precedes  faith,  and 
is  presupposed  by  it,  he  reversed  the  Augustinian  maxim : 
fides  praecedit  intellectum  ;  and  maintaining  that  God,  as 
the  object  of  pure  intellectual  intuition,  is  above  all  concep- 
tions and  predicates,  —  even  the  predicates  of  consciousness, 
love,  and  existence  itself,  —  he  distinguished  a  two-fold 
theology,  —  first,  a  negative  theology  {^eoXoyia  cnrocpuTiKij), 
which  evinces  that  every  thing  that  is  attributed,  in  the  way 
of  predicates,  to  the  Divine  and  Eternal,  is  inadequate,  and 
does  not  correspond  to  their  essential  nature  ;  and,  secondly, 
a  positive  theology  {'^eoXoyi'a  KaracpariKi}),  which  adheres  to 
the  doctrines  of  Scripture  and  the  church,  as  the  human  and 
finite  symbols  of  the  incomprehensible  Infinite.'  He  un- 
folded his  system   nt  l<Migth,  in  his  principal  work,  in   five 

Spnin  and  Southern  Oenimny.  The  most  cclchrntcd  of  those  works  is  tln'  So/mr, 
purportii)*;  to  he  the  production  of  Simon  Bar  Jochni,  Imt  in  reality  a  compila- 
tion inailc  in  Spain,  ahout  the  year  1300,  from  old  and  new  materials.  The 
Cahhalistic  doctrines  foiin<l  earnest  o])posers  in  the  philosophical  scliools ;  partic- 
ularly from  Sandiaof  K^'Vjit  (t942),  and  Maimonides  of  Cordova  (t  lUOS). 

•  The  statement  that  lie  returned  to  England,  and  in  the  year  8G6  w;ls  iLssassi- 
nated  hy  his  pupils  at  Malmsliury,  is  not  n-lialde. 

*  Comparo  llistoiru  Literairo  dc  la  France,  T.  V.  p.  416  ;  lljort  Joli.  Sco- ' 
tus  Eritrena  ;  Fronmiiller  Lehro  des  Joh.  Scotus  Erijjena  von  Wesen  des 
Biisen,  Tuh.  Zeit^chrift  1830;  Staudomauer  .loh.  Scotns  Eri;:enn  und 
die  Wissenschaft  seiner  Zeit ;  S  n  i  n  t  K  (5  n  c  T  a  i  1 1  a  n  d  i  e  r  Scot  Eri;,nno  ct 
la  philosophic  scholastique  ;  M  o  I  I  e  r  Joh.  Scotus  Eri;;i'na  und  seine  Irrthumcr ; 
Ilolffcrich  Clirislliche  Mystik  Theil  2 ;  Daur  Divieini^kcitslehru  II.  262- 
344  ;  Neander  III.  460-407. 


§  122.       THEOLOGY    IN    THE    WEST.  137 

books,  entitled  De  divisione  naturarum  (vrept  (pvaecov  jjueptcr- 
ixov).^  Scatus  exerted  an  important  influence  upon  the 
theological  thinking  of  his  time,  on  the  one  hand,  by  the 
impulse  which  he  gave  towards  a  more  profound  inquiry 
after  the  inward  meaning  and  connections  of  Christian 
doctrine,  and  on  the  other,  by  the  mingling  of  Christianity 
with  philosophy,  —  a  philosophy,  however,  which,  forgetting 
the  limits  of  finite  reason,  was  highly  vitiating  to  positive 
historical  Christianity,  by  transmuting  it,  partly  into  a  pan- 
theistic idealism,  and  partly  into  a  superficial  rationalism. 
Nevertheless,  Scotus  regarded  Christ  as  the  centre  of  all 
history,  and  was  himself  a  devout  man.  Had  he  lived  in 
the  ninteenth  century,  the  deleterious  influence  of  his  spec- 
ulations would  have  been  great.  As  it  was,  his  own  age, 
to  whom  he  was  virtually  an  intellectual  alien,  did  not  ap- 
preciate either  the  relatively  good  or  the  essentially  bad  in 
his  teachings,  and  saw  only  in  a  dim  and  vague  manner 
his  deviation  from  the  creed  of  the  church.  The  rumor 
respecting  his  heresy  came  to  the  ears  of  Nicholas  I.  ;  but 
the  pope  would  not  lift  the  vail. 

During  the  "  dark  "  tenth  century,  there  are  scarcely  any 
traces  of  the  existence  of  theological  science  in  the  West. 
There  were  only  individual  quasi-theologians,  only  individ- 
ual theological  essays,  and  no  scientific  theology.  England 
is  the  country  in  which  the  signs  of  theological  inquiry  are 
most  apparent ;  but  little  is  accomplished  even  here.  The 
zealous  endeavors  of  that  truly  great  monarch  Alfred  the 
Great-  (871-901)  to  revive  learning  and  theological  science, 
resulted  in  nothing  that  was  permanent ;  although  the  re- 

lEd.  Theophilus  Gale,  Oxon.  1681  ;  also  by  H.  T.  Floss  Par.  1853, 
2  He  learned  the  Latin  language  in  his  thirty-sixth  year,  translated  Grejjoiy's 
Eegula  Pastoralis  and  Bcde's  Ecclesiastical  Histoiy  into  English,  and  desired 
"  that  as  the  Greeks  and  Latins,  so  likewise  the  English  should  have  the  law  of 
God  in  their  own  tongue."  See  Asserii  (a  monk  of  Wales,  afterwards  made 
bishop  of  Sherburn  by  Alfred)  Historia  de  rebus  Alfredi ;  Stolberg  Leben 
Alft-cds;  Lorcntz  Geschichte  Alfreds  ;  Weisz  Geschichte  Alfreds  dcr  Grosz. 
Turner  History  of  Anglo-Saxons  ;  L  i  n  g  a  r  d  History  of  England  ;  Hume 
History  of  England,  Chapter  II.;  Pauli  Life  and  Writings  of  Alfred  the 
Great  (Bohns  Antiq.  Library) ;  Burke  Abridgement  of  English  History,  Book 
II.  Chap,  iv  ;  M  i  1  m  a  n  Latin  Christianity,  Book  V.  Chap.  x. 

18 


13S  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

mainders  of  his  influence  arc  to  be  seen  in  the  tenth  century, 
in  the  labors  of  some  bold  bishops  and  ecclesiastics,  —  such 
for  example,  as  Dunstan  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  An- 
glican forerunner  of  llildebrand,  and  a  vehement  champion 
for  the  reformation  of  the  ignorant  and  vicious  clergy  upon 
Hildebrandian  principles  ;  and  Ethchrold  bishop  of  Win- 
chester, the  teacher  of  Aelfric  of  Malmesbury,  distinguished 
for  his  services  in  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  in 
promoting  Christian  education.  In  Germany,  the  learned 
nun,  Rosicitha  (f  984)  famous  for  her  Latin  poems,  and 
Notkcr  Labeo,  abbot  of  St.  Gall  (f  1022),  the  translator  of 
portions  of  the  Bible,  stand  entirely  alone  as  persons  of 
literary  cultivation,  and  even  they  were  lacking  in  genuine 
and  accurate  theological  knowledge.  In  Ita/i/,  which  had 
now  become  extremely  illiteraie  and  uncultivated,  tlie  only 
man  of  prominence,  besides  Ratherius  of  Verona  (§  116) 
the  zealous  opponent  of  the  prevailing  ignorance  and  cor- 
ruption, was  Atto  bishop  of  Vcrcelli  (945  —  960),  remarkable 
for  his  thorough  study  of  the  Scriptures,  who  composed  a 
valuable  commentary  on  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

Not  until  towards  the  close  of  the  present  period,  and 
exactly  at  the  time  when  the  church  had  nearly  completed 
the  first  millennium  of  its  existence,  and  under  the  conscious- 
ness of  its.corruptions  and  ill-desert  was  expecting  the  day 
of  judgment,  was  there  a  new  awakening  of  spiritual  life, 
and  thereby  of  theological  science,  in  Western  Christendom. 
It  commenced  in  France,  under  the  influence  particularly 
of  Gcrbcrt  archbishop  of  Rheims,  afterwards  Pope  Sylvester 
II.  (999  — 1003),  a  man  who  had  acquired  an  amount  of 
learning  among  the  Spanish  Arabians  that  astonished  his 
cotemporaries,  and  who  planted  tiie  germs  of  a  scientific 
spirit,  first  at  the  seminary  of  Rheims,  and  afterward  through- 
out the  French  church.*  Flourishing  theological  schools 
arose  at  Chartres  under  Fulbcrt  (f  1028),  a  jnipil  of  (Icrbert, 

1  Besides  inatliemiiticul  and  astmnDiniial  writiii^",  Gcrl)crt  comjtoscd  a  trcati.so 
I)c  corjiorc  et  sani;uiiic  Domini,  a  rcniarkaljlo  tra<"t  Dc  rationuli  ct  rationc  uli 
(in  Petz  Thesaurus  II.  2),  Sernions  and  Letters,  —  tlio  lust  mciuiouoJ  edited  by 
Du  Cliesnc  Scriptt.  rennii  Frani  iiar.  T.  II. 


§    123.       PREDESTINARIAN    CONTRVEESY.  139 

and  at  the  cloister  of  Bee  in  Normandy  through  the  influ- 
ence of  Lanfranc,  The  career  and  influence  of  Lan franc 
are  remarkable.  Born  about  1005,  in  Pavia,  he  pursued  for 
a  time  the  study  of  law,  became  a  monk  at  Bee  in  1042, 
abbot  of  Caen  in  1062,  and  archbishop  of  Canterbury  in  1072, 
in  which  office  he  died  in  10S9,  —  a  man  who  in  political' 
as  well  as  ecclesiastical  affairs  acquired  a  far-reaching  repu- 
tation, and  prepared  the  way  for  the  scientific  theology  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  the  Scholastic  spirit  and  system.^ 


§  123. 

PREDESTINARIAN   CONTROVERSY. 

Usher  Gotteschalci,  et  de  praedestinatione  controversiae  ab  eo  motae,  His- 
toria ;  Cellotius  Ilistoria  Gotteschalci  pracdestinatiani ;  II  o  1 1  i  u  g  c  r  Di- 
atribe ;  Neaudcr  Vol.  III.  471-49-1.  The  ori^'inal  dot  nmcnts  are  to  be  found  in 
Mauguin  Vott.  auctorum,  qui  sec.  IX.  de  ijraedestinatione  et  gratia  scrip- 
serunt,  opera  et  fragmenta. 

The  Augustinian  system,  in  its  essential  features,  had 
been  ecclesiastically  authorized,  in  the  sixth  century,  at  tlie 
councils  of  Orange  and  Valence,  in  opposition  to  Semi- 
Pelagianism  (Ancient  Church,  §  93) ;  but  it  was  done  in  a 
way  that  must  necessarily  produce  misunderstandings  and 
difficulties  in  future.  These  now  showed  themselves.  Many 
in  this  period,  though  standing  substantially  upon  the 
Augustinian  foundation,  endeavored  to  avoid  or  cover  over 
the  severe  side  of  the  doctrine  of  predestination,  —  its  rela- 
tions, namely  to  sin,  —  and  were  inclined  to  that  milder 
type  of  Augustinianism  which  appears  in  the  work  entitled 
De  vocal ione  gentium  (Ancient  Church,  §  93),  in  which  the 
stress  is  laid  upon  the  predestination  to  holiness.     To  all 

1  He  was  the  counsellor  of  William  the  Conqueror,  and  induced  the  pope  to 
sanction  the  Norman  conquest  of  England. 

2  He  was  the  author  of  a  Commentary  upon  the  Pauline  Epistles,  several  Dis- 
courses. Letters,  and  Tracts,  against  Berengarius.  Opera  ed.  D'Achery,  Par. 
1648.     Compare  H  as  se  Anselm  von  Canterbury  Th.  I. 


140  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     iiisTonv  of  doctrine. 

such  persons,  an  unambiguous  and  decided  application  of 
the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  predestination,  in  the  direction 
of  reprobation  as  well  as  of  election,  appeared  of  doubtful  or 
dangerous  tendency.  Thus  there  arose,  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, a  remarkable  controversy  between  the  strict  and  mod- 
erate adherents  of  Augustine,  —  with  the  latter  of  whom 
sided  many  of  the  Semi-Pelagians  who  misunderstood 
their  position,  and  the  whole  multitude  of  the  worldly- 
minded  and  latitudinarian.  The  controversy  was  remark- 
able, both  in  respect  to  the  personal  feelinu^s,  and  the  dog- 
matic points,  that  were  involved. 

Gottschalk,  the  son  of  a  Saxon  count,  had  in  childhood 
been  presented  (oblatus)  by  his  parents  to  the  monastery  of 
Fulda,  but  had  obtained  a  release  from  his  monastic  vows 
from  the  synod  of  jMayence  in  820.  The  decision  of  the 
synod  was  reversed  by  the  emperor  Lewis  the  Pious,  through 
the  representations  of  the  abbot  of  Fulda,  Rabanus  Maurus. 
He  then  entered  the  monastery  of  Orbais  in  the  diocese  of 
Soisson,  as  his  relations  to  Rabanus  were  no  longer  pleasant. 
Here  he  became  a  diligent  student  of  the  writings  of  Augus- 
tine, and  an  enthusiastic  advocate  of  the  doctrine  of  uncon- 
ditional predestination.  His  interest  in  this  doctrine  was 
very  deep,  having  a  double  root  in  his  practical  experience 
and  his  strongly  speculative  understanding,  and  he  began 
to  accuse  the  greater  portion  of  his  contemporaries  of  Semi- 
Pclagianism,  because  they  had  forgotten  or  avoided  it. 
This  he  did  in  a  public  manner,  on  his  return  from  a 
pilgrimage  to  Rome  in  847,  at  a  convent  on  the  estate  of 
Ebcrhard  count  of  Friaul,  and  in  the  presence  of  NuUiiig 
bishoj)  of  Verona.  Being  informed  of  this,  Rabanus 
INIaurus,  now  arch!)ishop  of  INIayenee,  addressed  two  traets 
to  Not  ting  and  Eberhard  in  opposition  to  CJottschalk,  in 
which  he  represents  his  doctrine  as  detestable,  at  the  same 
time  misconcf'iving  and  misrepresenting  it.  GoUsehalk 
taught  the  following  propositions,  in  full  harmony  with 
Augustine  :  Since  the  fall  of  the  first  man,  which  was  a 
voluntary  and  guilty  act,  all  men  are  liy  nature  in  one  and 
the  same  condition  of  corruption,  and  thnmL^ri  this  first  siii 


h  123.       PREDESTINARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  141 

of  Adam,  in  whom  the  whole  race  sinned,  and  its  propaga- 
tion  whereby  it  becomes  personal  to  each  indivi^dual,  merit 
eternal  condemnation.     Out  of  this  sum-total,  God,  accord- 
in^to  an  unconditional  decree,  mercifully  chooses  a  number, 
to  whom  he  imparts  the  grace  necessary  in  order  to  their  con- 
version, and  leaves  the  remainder  to  be  punished  according  to 
the  requirements  of  law  and  justice.     Gottschalk  employed 
the  phrase  praedestinatio  dvplex  (gemina),  which  had  akeady 
been  used  by  Fulgentius  of  Ruspe  (§  93)  and  Isidore   of 
Seville,  and  explained  his  views  in  the  following  manner: 
God  from  ail  eternity  foreknew,  but  did  not  predestmate, 
sin       He  predestinates  only  that  which  is  good,  and  never 
that  which  is  evil.     But  the  good  is  of  two  kinds,— the 
blessings  of  mercy  (beneficia  gratiae),  and  the  retributions 
of  iustice  (judicia  justitiae).     Both  of  these  are  equally  the 
result  of  the  divine  foreordination  ;  and  hence  it  is  as  proper  to 
speak  of  a   predestination  of  the    non-elect  (not  mdeed  to 
sin   but)  to  endless  punishment,  as  of  the  elect  to  endless 
reward.    Augustine  -  although  he,^  and  particularly  Fulgen- 
tius of  Ruspe,  sometimes  expressed  himself  in  a   manner 
similar  to  that  of  Gottschalk,^  —  commonly  confines  the  term 
"  predestination"  to  the  election  to  eternal  Hfe,  and  desig- 
nates the  preterition  of  the  lost  and  their  sentence  to  per- 

1  As  for  example,  in  his  Enchiridion  §  100  :  Dominus  bene  utens  et  malis  ad 
eorum'damnationem,  quos  juste  pra.c^es^/«ar.Y  ad  poenam,  et  ad  eomm  salutem, 
Quos  beniffne  praedestinavit  ad  gratiam. 

^2  Credo  siquidem  atque  confiteor,  praescisse  te  ante  saecu  a  quaecunque  erant 
futura  sive  bona  sive  mala;  praedestinasse  vero  tautumodo  bona.  Confessio 
OTolixior  Gotteschalci  in  Usher's  Works,  IV.  212. 

^  Respecting  the  more  difficult  subject  of  the  relation  of  the  dn-me  decree  to  the 
ox-i.in  of  sin  itself,  Gottschalk  appears  to  have  held  that  the  sm  of  Adam  wh.ch 
is  tie  antecedent  of  the  twofold  predestination,  that  to  perdition  and  that  to  sal- 
Tation  is  not  predestinated  but  foreknown  (praescitus).  His  preference  for  the 
wo  d  "  praescire  »  to  designate  the  relation  of  God  to  moral  evil  evidently  sprang 
from  the  fact  that  the  term  '' predestinare,"  in  his  view,  imphed  a  d^rectandcre- 
ative  efficiency.  This,  he  believed,  was  exerted  only  m  the  instance  of  the  or  gi- 
nt^nofholLss, either  in  the  unfallen  or  the  fallen  man.  But,  taking  into  view 
his  anxiety  to  maintain  the  sovereignty  of  God  in  relation  to  man  s  penhUon  as 
well  as  man's  salvation,  it  is  probable  that  Gottsehalk's  application  of  the  term 
-praescire"  was  equivalent  to  what  is  now  understood  by  the  "permissive 

decree."  —  Translator. 


142  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

dition,  by  the  term  "  reprobation."  This  system  of  Gott- 
schalk  was  misrepresented  by  Rabanus  Maurus,  to  the  degree 
that  he  accused  Gottschaik  of  holding  that  the  elect 
were  sure  of  eternal  happiness,  no  matter  how  vicious 
their  life  might  be,  and  that  the  reprobate  were  sure  of  eter- 
nal misery,  no  matter  how  earnest  might  be  their  endeavor 
after  holiness ;  whereas  Gottschaik  uniformly  represented 
predestination  as  predestination  to  holiness,  and  all  endeav- 
ors after  holiness  as  the  result  of  a  divine  grace  imparted  to 
the  elect.  This  misrepresentation  upon  the  part  of  Rabanus 
was  all  the  more  reprehensible,  even  if  unintentional,  inas- 
much as  his  own  doctrine  of  grace  and  regeneration  was 
essentially  Augustinian,  though  concealing  as  much  as  possi- 
ble the  point  of  predestination,  and  mitigating  its  severity.^ 
Firmly  convinced  of  the  correctness  and  orthodoxy  of  his 
views,  Gottschaik  did  not  hesitate  to  appear  at  a  synod  at 
Mayence,  in  848,  before  Lewis,  king  of  Germany,  and 
•Rabanus  ;  but  he  was  excommunicated  as  a  heretic,  and 
sent  to  his  metropolitan,  Hincmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims", 
for  his  supervision.  Hincmar  summoned  him  before  the 
St/nod  of  ChiersT/,  in  849,  where  he  was  condemned  a  sec- 
ond time  ;  and  because  he  would  not  recant  was  inhu- 
manly scourged  as  a  refractory  monk.  Afterwards,  being 
put  to  torture,  under  the  stress  of  the  pain  he  cast  into  the 
flames  a  work  which  he  had  composed  in  defence  of  his 
views,  out  of  passages  of  Scripture  and  the  Fathers,  and  was 
sent  to  the  monastery  of  Hautvilliers  for  close  confinement 
for  life,  and  with  the  intention  of  working  a  change  in  his 
opinions.  But  none  of  his  sufferings  caused  Gottschaik  to 
waver  in  his  convictions.  Two  so-called  Con/essiones,-  writ- 
ten in  his  captivity,  enunciate  his  old  views  in  the  boldest  and 
most  fundamental  manner  possible,  and  he  offered  to  undergo 

1  Rnhnniis  took  the  following  positions,  which  are  suhstantially  those  of  the 
author  of  the  work  De  vocatlone  f/enlium  :  God  desires  that  all  men  should  be 
saved  ;  yet  only  those  arc  saved  to  whom  he  imparts  the  necessary  grace;  that 
this  grace  is  jjcstowcd  u])on  some  and  not  upon  others,  is  owing  to  an  incompre- 
hensible decree  of  God ;  it  is  sufficient  to  know  that  God  is  compassionate,  holy, 
and  just;  man's  powers  of  comiirchcnsion  arc  limited. 

*  Republished  in  Usher's  Works,  IV.  207  sq. 


§  123.       PREDESTINARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  143 

the  ordeal  by  fire  in  proof  of  the  truth  of  his  sentiments ; 
but  his  proposal  was  not  accepted.  After  an  imprisonment 
of  twenty  years,  death  put  an  end  to  his  sufferings,  in  869. 
He  died  in  prison,  and  without  the  privilege  of  partaking  of 
the  sacrament  of  the  supper,  because  he  had  steadily  and  to 
the  end  refused  to  recant. 

The  fortunes  of  Gottschalk's  doctrine  were  entirely 
different  from  those  of  Gottschalk  himself.  It  was  even 
recommended  to  favor  by  the  sufferings  of  its  advocate. 
The  hasty  condemnation  and  unrighteous  treatment  which 
he  had  met  with  very  soon  wakened  an  interest  in  his  sys- 
tem, and  raised  up  many  defenders  of  it.  Pope  Nicholas  I., 
to  whom  Gottschalk  had  made  his  appeal  without  success, 
afterward  seemed  almost  upon  the  point  of  favoring  him 
and  his  doctrine.  But  the  principal  agents  in  effecting  a 
change  in  public  opinion  respecting  the  views  and  endeavors 
of  Gottschalk,  were  three  highly  gifted  and  influential  eccle- 
siastics,—  Prudentius  bishop  of  Troyes^  (f  861) ;  the  learned 
monk  Ratramnus  of  Corbie  2  (|  868) ;  and  the  abbot  Serva- 
tus  Lupiis^  of  Ferrieres  in  the  diocese  of  Sens,  distinguished 
for  Christian  moderation,  in  conjunction  with  remarkable 
learning,  acuteness,  and  power  of  lucid  statement.  In  order 
to  obtain  a  coadjutor  upon  his  side,  Hincmar,  foolishly 
enough,  now  betook  himself,  through  the  medium  of  king 
Charles  the  Bald,  to  Scotus  Erigena.'^  But  such  assistance 
as  that  of  Scotus,  who  laid  down  positions  like  these,  — 
that  for  God,  as  a  being  beyond  all  the  limitations  of  time, 
there  is  no  before  (prae)  nor  after ;  that  for  the  deity  evil  is 
a  negation  and  thus  a  nonentity,  and  therefore  that  all 
divine  punishment  is  merely  an  internal  effect  of  the  sub- 

1  Prudentii  Trecassini  Epistola  ad  Hincraarum  (written  in  849). 

2  Ratramnus  De  praedestinatione  (written  about  850). 

3  Servatus  Lupus  De  tribus  quaestionibus  (namely,  De  libero  arbitrio,  De  prae- 
destinatione bonorum  et  malorum,  and  De  sanguinis  Christi  superflua  taxatione, 
—  this  latter  discussing  the  question  whether  Christ  died  for  the  salvation  of  all 
men,  or  only  of  the  elect),  written  about  850.  Opera  Servati  Lupi  ed.  Baluzius, 
Antic.  1710. 

*  Scotus  Erigena  De  praedestinatione  Dei  contra  Gotteschalcnm ;  written  in 
851. 


144  A.  D.  S14 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

jective  relation  of  the  creatoie  to  God,  and  no  positive 
infliction  (compare  §  1"21),  —  did  the  cause  of  HincmEir 
more  harm  than  good,  and  called  out  several  new  defences 
of  Gottschalk,  from  Pnidenlius^  above-mentioned,  from  Flo- 
Tus  Mag^ister-  a  presbyter  of  Lyons  (f  S60),  and  from  Remi- 
g-ius^  the  archbishop  of  Lyons  (f  S75).  From  the  heresies 
which  were  clearly  apparent  in  Scotus,  the  reputation  of 
Hincmar  himself  suffered.  Hence  he  was  the  more  anx- 
ious to  secure  an  acknowledged  orthodox,  and  regularly  eccle- 
siastical testimony  in  behalf  of  his  party.  This  he  was  able 
to  obtain  without  difficulty,  inasmuch  as  the  recent  dogmatic 
tendeucv  in  the  church  had  been  away  from,  and  in  opposi- 
tion to,  the  views  of  Gottschalk.  The  second  Synod  of  Chi- 
ersy,  in  853,  at  which  king  Charles  the  Bald  was  present, 
laid  down  four  propositions  in  opposition  to  the  Gottschal- 
kian  doctrine.-*  Nevertheless,  the  synod,  in  reality,  took  no 
position  that  essentially  conflicted  with  the  Augustiiiian 
system.  On  the  contrary,  it  entirely  harmonized  with  the 
views  of  Gottschalk,  in  that  it  affirmed  that  only  the  first 
man  previous  to  the  faU  possessed  a  really  free  will ;  that 
through  his  fall  the  whole  human  race  has  come  into  con- 
demnation ;  that  in  this  condition  each  man  is  by  nature  free 
only  to  evil,  that  he  can  acquire  freedom  to  good  only 
through  regenerating  grace ;  5  and  that  the  reason  why  a 
certain  number  attain  to  this  grace  and  to  salvation,  is  God's 
predestination.  The  Semi-Pelagian,  Anti-Augustinian  shib- 
boleth, that  it  is  within  the  power  of  the  human  will  to 
incline  towards  divine  grace,  or  to  exclude  it,  received  no 
endorsement  from  the  synod ;  and  thefr  tempered  Augus- 
tinianism  only  so  far  varied  from  the  system  of  their  oppo- 
nents that,  first,  they  denied  a  twofold  predestination,  assert- 
ing only  one,  which  had  reference  either  to  the  bestowment 

1  Tractaras  de  praedestinatione  contra  Joh.  Scotum  (written  in  852). 

*  De  praedestinatione  contra  Scoti  erroneas  definitiones. 

3  De  tribus  epiitolis  (namely,  of  Babanas  Maurus,  Hincmar,   and  Pardolus 
bishop  of  Laon). 

*  Mansi  Tom.  XIV.  p.  920. 

*  "  Ha>>emas  liberum  arbitrium  ad  bonam,  praeventom  et  adjatum  gratia ;  et 
habemos  liberum  arbitham  ad  malum,  desertum  gratia." 


§  123.       PREDESTINAEIAN    CONTROVERSY.  145 

of  saving  grace  or  of  just  retribution,  —  God,  in  the  latter 
instance,  siniply  predestinating  punishment  to  those  whom 
he  leaves  to  their  merited  condemnation,  but  not  predesti- 
nating them  to  punishment  '  ;  and,  secondly,  that  they 
made  prominent  the  position,  that  God  -wills  the  salvation 
of  all  men,  though  not  all  are  saved,  and  that  Christ  suffered 
for  all,  though  all  are  not  redeemed  by  his  sufferings :  in 
brief,  that  the  salvation  of  the  saved  is  a  gift  of  divine  grace, 
and  the  perdition  of  the  lost  is  their  o-^ti  guilt^  But  al- 
though these  positions  bordered  so  closely  upon  the  Gotts- 
chalkian  doctrine,  they  were  not  sufficiently  satisfactory  to 
parevent  the  party  of  Gottschalk  from  desiring  to  obtain  for 
their  own  views  a  counterbalancing  ecclesiastical  authority. 
Hence,  under  the  lead  of  Remigius,  the  Synod  of  Valence^ 
in  855,  set  forth,  in  opposition  to  the  four  propositions  of  the 
second  Synod  of  Chiersy,  six  propositions  enunciating  a 
strict  Augustinianism,  in  which  a  praedestinatio  duplex  is 
asserted,  though  with  the  express  declaration  added,  that 
God  has  neither  predestinated  sin  nor  any  man  to  sin. 
They  also  refer  redemption  to  all  baptized  members  of  the 
church,  and  to  such  alone  ;  but,  from  this  number,  again, 
only  a  portion  actually  attain  eternal  life,  because  through 
grace  they  persevere,  while  the  remainder,  in  the  exercise  of 
self-wiU,  fan  to  continue  in  the  faith  of  which  they  were 
once  partakers.  That  betvi'een  the  statements  of  these  two 
synods,  there  was  more  contradiction  in  the  phraseology 
than  in  the  ideas,  —  which  upon  both  sides  were  founded 
in  the  Augustinian  and  Anti-Semipelagian  system,  —  could 
not  escape  the  heads  of  the  parties  themselves ;  and  hence 
Hincmar  and  Remigius  agreed,  in  859,  to  unite  in  conven- 

1  "  Dens  elegit  ex  massa  perditionls,  secundum  pmescientiam  snam,  quos  per 
gratiam  praedestinarit  ad  vitam,  et  vitam  illis  praedestmayit  aetemam.  Cae te- 
res autem,  qnos  jnstitiae  jadicio  in  massa  perditionis  reliquit,  perituros  praescirit, 
sed  non,  ut  perirent,  praedestinavit.  Poenam  autem  illis.  quia  Justus  est,  prae- 
de^tinarit  aetemam.  Ac  per  hoc  unam  dei  predestinationem  tantummodo 
didmus,  quae  aut  ad  donum  pertinet  gratiae  aut  ad  retributionem  justitiae." 

2  "  Deus  omnes  homines  sine  exceptione  vult  salvos  fieri,  licet  non  omnes  sal- 
ventur.  Quod  autem  quidem  salrantur,  salrantis  est  donum;  quod  antem 
quidam  pereunt,  pereuntium  est  meritum." 

19 


146  A.  D.  814 — 1073.    history  of  doctrine. 

Lng  a  synod  that  should  draw  up  a  common  creed.  But  the 
synod  never  was  convened,  and  the  controversy  closed  with 
a  voluminous  treatise  by  Hincmar  against  Gottschalk,i  in 
which,  with  diffuse  and  illogical  verbosity,  he  covered  up 
the  Augustinian  doctrine  of  predestination. 


§  124. 

SACRAMENTARIAN  CONTROVERSY. 

Among  the  Fathers  of  the  first  six  centuries,  there  were 
three  views  of  the  relation  of  the  symbols  in  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per to  the  divine  fact  signified.  The  first  was,  that  there  is 
an  inward  union  and  penetration  of  the  bread  and  wine 
with  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ ;  the  second,  that  the 
bread  and  wine  are  symbolical  signs,  with  which  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  stand  in  a  supernatural  and  sanctifying 
connection ;  aiid  the  third,  that  there  is  a  complete  separa- 
tion between  the  signs  as  mere  symbols,  and  the  divine  fact 
represented  by  them,  while  yet  there  is  a  supernatural  and 
sanctifying  influence  connected  with  the  administration  of 
the  sacrament.  The  first  view  was  held  by  Ignatius,  Jus- 
tin Martyr,  Irenaeus,  Hilary  of  Poictiers,  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
Ambrose,  Chrysostom,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  and  Theodoret ; 
the  second  view  was  advocated  by  Tertullian,  Cyprian, 
Athanasius,  and  Augustine  ;  and  the  third  theory  was 
adopted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  Eusebius  of 
Caesarea,  and  Gregory  Nazianzen.  Among  all  these  Fath- 
ers, with  perhaps  the  exception  of  Gregory  Nyssa,  no  traces 
can  be  discovered  of  the  later  Papal  doctrine  of  transubstan- 
tiation.  But  after  the  seventh  century,  and  particularly  in 
the  eighth  and  ninth,  the  tendency  of  the  whole  church  was 

1  De  pracdcstinatione  dei  et  libero  arbitrio.  Opera  nincmari  Ed.  Sirmond, 
Par.  1645.  Roflpcc.ting  Ilincmar,  compare  Fodoard  (cauonicns  at  Rheims 
t  966)  Hist.  eccl.  Rhem. ;  Gobz  Leben  und  Schriften  Hinkmars. 


§  124.      SACRAMENTARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  147 

more  and  more  to  the  theory  of  a  magical  conversion  of  the 
bread  and  wine  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  —  a 
change  in  which  the  substance  is  converted,  but  the  acci- 
dents or  external  marks  (color,  taste,  etc.)  remain,  to  afford 
an  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  faith. 

This  doctrine,  which  from  the  twelfth  century  onward 
received  the  name  of  Transubstantiation,  was  clearly  and 
definitely  enunciated  in  the  ninth  century  by  Paschasius 
Radbert  abbot  of  Corbie  (f  865),  in  his  treatise  De  corpore 
et  sanguine  Domini,  composed  in  the  year  831.i  In  this 
work  he  maintained  that  in  the  act  of  consecration,  God 
produces  the  true  body  and  true  blood  of  Christ,  in  such  a 
mode  that  the  body  of  Christ  consecretur  ex  substantia 
panis  et  yini,  while  yet  the  external  marks  of  the  bread  and 
wine  remain.^  In  confirmation  of  the  doctrine,  he  refers  to 
the  alleged  appearance  of  the  blood  of  Christ,  in  the  place  of 
the  bread  and  wine,  after  these  had  been  consecrated  by  the 
hands  of  Gregory  the  Great,  —  a  reference  that  shows  how 
deeply  the  doctrine  had  penetrated  the  popular  belief  of  the 
time.  But  this  open  and  explicit  statement  of  Paschasius 
awakened  decided  doubts,  and  some  opposition,  in  several 
quarters,  particularly  from  the  monk  Frudegard  who  ap- 
pealed to  the  views  of  Augustine,3  and  from  Rabanus  Mau- 
rus.  Upon  the  issuing  of  a  second  edition  of  the  work  of 
Paschasius  for  popular  use,  in  844,  King  Charles  the  Bald, 
to  whom  it  was  dedicated,  asked  Ratramnus  (see  §  122)  to 
give  him  his  opinion  of  it.  Ratramnus,  in  reply,  composed 
his  treatise  De  corpore  et  sanguine  Domini,^  in  which  he 

1  Contained  in  Martene  et  Durand.  Vett.  scrijjtor.  Collectio.  T.  IX 
p.  367  sq.  Eadbert  has  also  left  exegetical  writings,  a  treatise  De  fide,  spe,  et 
caritate,  and  a  work  De  partu  virginis  in  which  he  maintains  not  only  the  doc- 
trine of  a  miraculous  conception,  but  also  of  a  miraculous  delivery. 

2  "  Panis  et  vinura  nihil  aliud  quam  caro  Christi  et  sanguis  post  consecra- 
tioneni  credenda  sunt ;  non  alia  plane  (caro)  quam  quae  nata  est  de  Maria  et 
passa  in  cruce  et  resurrexit  de  sepulchro."  At  the  same  time  he  says  :  "  Chris- 
tum vorari  fas  dentibus  non  est ; hoc  sane  nutriunt  (Christi  corpus  et  san- 
guis) in  nobis,  quod  ex  Deo  natum  est,et  non,  quod  ex  came  et  sanguine." 

3  See  a  valuable  note  upon  the  views  of  Augustine,  and  of  the  Early  Church 
generally,  respecting  the  Lord's  Supper,  in  G  i  e  s  e  1  e  r  Church  History  I.  435 
Smith's  Ed. 

*  Ed.  Boileau,  Par.  1712. 


148  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

opposed  the  doctrine  of  Paschasius,  without,  however,  nam- 
ing him,  and  affirmed  only  a  spiritual  presence  of  Christ  in 
the  sacramental  supper,  apprehensible  by  faith  and  the  faith- 
ful alone.^     But  the  treatise  of  Ratramnus  availed  the  less 
towards  a  change  in  the  current  sentiment  of  the  church, 
from  the  fact  that  there  were  many  expressions  in  it  that 
savored  of  transubstantiation,^  and  helped  to  promote  this 
theory.    Several  other  theologians  also, —  Walafried  Strabo, 
Druthmar,  and  Florus,  —  agreed  essentially  with  Ratramnus. 
Even  Scotus  Erig-ena,  —  if  the  account  is  to  be  believed,  — 
at  the  request  of  Charles  the  Bald,  gave  his  opinion  about 
the  year  862,  in  harmony  with  that  of  Ratramnus,  and  in 
opposition  to  that  of   Paschasius  Radbert.     The  theory  of 
transubstantiation,  however,  continued  to  be  the  dominant 
one  in  the  church,  and  after  this  controversy  became  more 
and  more  so.    There  were  advocates  of  a  middle  theory  dur- 
ing the  tenth  century,  —  namely,  Ratho'ins,^  Gerbert  (after- 
wards Pope  Sylvester  II.),  and  others,  —  but  their  voices 
were  not  heard  ;  and  by  the  eleventh  century  opposition  to 
transubstantiation  was  reckoned  heresy. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  Berengariiis 
stood  forth  as  the  decided  and  intelligent  opponent  of  the 
reigning  sacramental  theory.  He  was  born  in  Tours,  about 
1000,  trained  in  Fulbert's  school  at  Chartres,  since  1030 
superintendent  of  a  cathedral  school  (scholasticus)  at  Tours, 
and  since  1040 -arch-deacon  of  Angers.  The  doubts  respect- 
ing transubstantiation,  which  he  had  now  and  then  ex- 
pressed to  his  friends,  had  already  excited  suspicion  of  her- 
esy concerning  him,  when  a  letter^  which  he  wrote  to  Lan- 

>  N  e  a  n  d  c  r   Church  History,  III.  498. 

'  "  Convcnitur  punis  in  coi-pus  Christi,  operanto  in\-isil>iliter  S|)iritu  Sancto." 

■"  lie  niaiutainuil,  however,  the  substance  of  the  theory  of  transubtitantiation, 
in  holding  to  the  miraculous  conversion  of  the  elements  into  the  body  and  blood 
of  Christ.  Only  the  manner  in  which  it  was  done  should  not  bo  inquired 
into. 

*  In  Mansi  Tom.  XIX.  768.  Sec  B  c  r  n  a  1  d  u  s  C  o  n  s  t.  Do  Bcrcngarii  dam- 
nationc,  in  Mansi  Tom.  XIX.  757;  Lessinj;  Bereogarius  Turoncnsis ; 
S  t  a  ii  d  1  i  n  Beren;j;arius  Turonensis  ;  Sudendorf  Bercngariuii  Turonensis  ; 
T  sc h  i  r  n e  r  Archiv  fur  Kircljengeschichto  Bd.  II.  1-98. 


§  124.       SACRAMENTARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  149 

franc,  abbot  of  Bee,  and  which  Lanfranc  sent  to  Rome, 
wherein  Berengarius,  without  expressing  a  definite  opinion 
respecting  the  eucharist,  decisively  condemned  the  view  of 
Paschasius  Radbert,  excited  Lanfranc  and  a  great  portion 
of  the  chiirch  against  him.  Without  a  hearing,  he  and  his 
doctrine  were  condemned  by  pope  Leo  IX.  at  a  Council  of 
Rome  in  1050.  A  new  synod  was  convened  by  the  pope, 
to  meet  at  Vercelli,  in  the  same  year  ;  at  which  Berengarius 
should  be  present.  But  before  it  assembled,  Berengarius 
was  thrown  into  prison  by  order  of  the  king  of  France,  prob- 
ably on  the  ground  that  he  had  already  been  condemned  as 
heretical  by  a  French  council.  The  synod  met  at  Vercelli, 
and  condemned  the  doctrine  of  Berengar,  together  with  that 
of  Scotus,  with  such  fanatical  zeal,  that  two  clergymen  of 
Tours  who  volunteered  to  defend  the  absent  Berengar  could 
be  saved  from  the  violence  of  the  multitude  only  by  being 
arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.  Through  the  influence  of 
his  friends,  particularly  of  Eusebius  Bruno,  bishop  of  Angers, 
Berengar  was  released  from  prison,  and  introduced  to  the 
acquaintance  of  Hildebrand,  the  now  powerful  papal  leg- 
ate who  was  making  a  journey  into  France.  Hildebrand, 
independent  and  reflecting,  and  in  all  probability  not  in- 
clined to  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  but  content  with 
liie  simple  Scripture  statement,  that  in  the  sacrament  the 
bread  and  wine  became  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ,  with- 
out inquiry  respecting  the  mode,  appeared  to  be  satisfied, 
first  at  a  private  interview,  and  afterwards  at  the  Synod  of 
Tours,  in  1054,  with  the  declaration  of  Berengar,  that  he 
did  not  deny  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the  sacrament  of  the 
supper,  but  held  that  the  bread  and  wine  after  consecration 
were  the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord.^  This  statement 
Berengar  confirmed  with  an  oath,  to  satisfy  the  doubts  of  the 
French  bishops  respecting  his  sincerity.  The  doctrine  of  Be- 
renga/rius,  which  is  best  stated  in  his  treatise  De  Sacra  Coe- 
na2  written  in  reply  to  Lanfranc,  certainly  allowed  of  such  an 
explanation  ;  for  although  he  not  only  denied  transubtantia- 

1  Compare  Neander  Church  History,  III.  521  sq. 

2  Ed.  V  i  s  c  h  e  r  Berol.  1 834. 


150  A.D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

tion,  but  every  kind  of  corjjoreal  substantial  presence  of 
Christ  in  the  Supper,  in  the  njost  explicit  terms,  and,  interpre- 
ting the  words  of  institution  in  a  tropical  manner,  assumed 
only  a  spiritual  presence  of  Christ  (the  whole  Christ,  his  body 
not  excluded)  for  faith  and  the  believer,  he  nevertheless 
asserted  that  the  outward  signs  were  equivalent  for  the 
believer,  to  the  actual  presence  of  Christ,  to  his  actual  body 
and  blood,  inasmuch  as  by  means  of  his  faith  he  entered 
into  a  supernatural  communion  with  Christ,^  and,  although 
he  preferred  the  term  consecratio,  hesitated  not  to  speak  as 
did  Ratramus,  of  a  conversio  of  the  elements.  But  as 
Berengar's  sworn  declaration  at  Tours  was  not,  perhaps, 
entirely  unequivocal,  and  might  lead  to  deception  respecting 
his  real  opinions,  so  also  the  result  of  the  examination  intro- 
duced by  Hildebrand,  disappointed  expectations.  Pope 
Leo  IX.,  through  whom  Hildebrand  hoped  to  accomplish 
something,  died  too  early.  During  the  pontificates  of  the 
two  following  popes  there  were  no  proceedings  in  reference 
to  Berengar ;  so  that  at  length,  in  10-39,  he  boldly  resolved  to 
make  a  journey  to  Rome,  in  ordiT,  through  the  influence  of 
Hildebrand,  to  obtain  the  favorable  influence  of  pope  Nich- 
olas H.,  to  counteract  the  power  of  the  opposing  party.  But 
this  party,  led  by  cardinal  Humbert  at  Rome,  was  too  strong 
for  him.  A  synod  of  Rome  in  1059,  laid  before  Berengarius 
a  confession  of  faith,  drawn  up  by  Humbert,  which  expressly 
taught  that,  after  the  act  of  consecration,  the  bread  and  wine 
are  the  true  body  of  Christ,  and  that  thi.s  is  visibly  broken  by 
the  hands  of  the  priest,  and  masticated  by  the  teeth  of  the 
believer;  and  Berengar,  usually  bold  and  confident,  but  now 
fearful  and  trembling,  swore  acceptance.  He  was  free  now 
to  return  to  France;  and  the  first  thing  he  did  upon  his 
return  was,  with  great  bitterness,  to  withdraw  his  confession. 
Without   any   concealment   he    proclaimed    his   old    view, 

>  "  Vcrnm  Christi  corpus  in  ijtsa  mcnso  proponitur,  scd  spirituolitcr  intcriori 

homini ut  vcrc  diri  possit,  ct  ipsum  corj)!!!'  iios  suincro,  ct  tanicn  non 

ipsuni  ;  ipsum  quiilcm  (piantum  uU  csscntiaiu  vcnuNiuc  iiaturuu  propriL-tatcni 
aujuc  nuturuiu;  non  ipsum  auK-ni,  hi  sptttcjj  pnnis  viuiqoc  gpcciem."  —  Ber- 
cuguriua  Du  s.  cocaa. 


§  124.       SACRAMENTARIAN    CONTROVERSY.  151 

defended  it  in  writings  against  Lanfranc,  and  both  spoke 
and  wrote  .with  the  most  extreme  violence  against  the 
Roman  church.  A  friendly  letter  of  pope  Alexander  II., 
requesting  him  to  desist  from  his  errors,  was  replied  to  by 
Berengar  with  a  haughty  refusal.  Nevertheless,  nothing 
was  done  at  Rome  to  compel  him  to  renounce  his  views; 
but  in  France  he  was  attacked  on  all  sides.  Bishop  Bruno, 
participating  in  Hildebrand's  view  of  the  eucharist,  sought 
earnestly,  but  in  vain,  to  unite  bath  parties.  At  length, 
owing  to  the  increasing  importance  of  the  matter,  Hilde- 
brand,  now  pope  Gregory  VII.,  summoned  Berengar  to 
Rome  in  1078,  with  the  intention,  undoubtedly,  of  bringing 
in  a  settlement  that  would  be  acceptable  to  all  parties.  At 
the  synod  of  Rome,  in  1078,  he  induced  Berengar  to  swear 
to  a  confession  of  faith  which  he  had  himself  drawn  up,  and 
which  it  was  possible  for  Berengar  to  interpret  in  agreement 
with  his  own  views.^  Hildebrand,  by  means  of  this  act  of 
Berengar,  sought  earnestly  to  remove  the  dissension  and 
unite  all  parties ;  and  professed  to  have  received  through  a 
revered  monk  a  communication  from  the  Virgin  Mary,  to 
the  effect  that  Berengar's  acceptance  of  the  confession  was 
sufficient.  But  Berengar's  opponents  now  began  to  express 
suspicions  concerning  the  orthodoxy  of  the  pope  himself; 
and  desirous  as  Gregory  was  to  protect  Berengar,  he  was 
by  no  means  ready  to  sacrifice  for  the  interest  of  his  client 
afar  more  precious  interest,  —  the  plan,  namely,  of  estab- 
lishing a  papal  theocracy  in  opposition  to  the  secular  power, 
—  for  the  realization  of  which,  the  universal  belief  in  his 
orthodoxy  was  indispensable.  At  the  second  synod  of  Rome, 
in  1079,  a  second  confession  of  faith  was  presented  to  Beren- 
gar, which  expressly  declared  that  the  bread  and  wine  are 
substantialiter  converted  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 
Berengar  sought  to  explain  the  confession  in  accordance  with 


1  "  Profiteor  panem  altaris  post  consecrationem  esse  verum  coi-pus  Christi, 
quod  natum  est  de  Virgine,  quod  passum  est  in  cruce,  quod  sedet  ad  dexteram 
Patris;  et  vinum  altaris,  postquara  consccratum  est,  esse  verum  sanguinem,  qui 
manavit  de  latere  Christi.  Et  sicut  ore  pronuncio,  ita  me  corde  habere  con- 
firmo  ;  sic  me  adjuvet  Deus  et  haec  sacra." 


152  A.  D.  814 — 1073.     history  of  doctrine. 

his  own  views,  and  finally  referred  to  his  last  private  conver- 
sations with  the  pope.  The  pope  then  commanded  him  to 
fall  upon  his  knees,  and  abjure  his  errors;  and  Berengar, 
who  had  not  the  courage  to  undergo  martyrdom  for  his  convic- 
tions, did  what  the  pope  commanded.  Under  the  papal 
protection  he  returned  to  France,  where  he  lived  a  solitary 
penitent,  in  strict  asceticism,  to  an  advanced  age,  in  the 
island  of   St  Coem,  near  Tours, —  dying  in  the  year  1088. 


§  125. 

DOGMATICO-HISTORICAL  SURVEY. 

The  general  dogmatic  character  of  the  preceding  period 
(See  §  110)  continues  in  this,  so  that  the  results  of  dogmatic 
inquiry  are  comparatively  small. 

1.  In  respect  to  Inspiration.,  during  the  first  half  of  the 
ninth  century  a  controversy  arose  between  Frcdeg-is,  a  noble- 
man, and  Ag-obard,  archbishop  of  Lyons.  The  latter  con- 
tended that  the  language  of  the  New  Testament  was  not 
entirely  faultless  in  grammatical  respects,  —  a  view  which 
Frcdegis  opposed  as  incompatible  with  the  doctrine  of  ver- 
bal inspiration.  Agobard,  in  reply,  composed  a  tract  in  which 
he  attempted  to  prove  that  God  imparted,  not  diction,  but 
thoughts  and  sentiments  alone,  to  the  prophets  and  apostles. 

2.  The  Occidental  doctrine  of  the  Procession  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  from  Father  and  Son  had  begun  to  be  a  definite  point 
of  dispute  between  the  two  divisions  of  the  church,  in  the 
preceding  period.  An  open  outbreak  of  the  controversy  was 
first  occasioned  by  Pholius,  bishop  of  Constantinople,  during 
his  contests  with  pojMJ  Nicholas  I.  (§  120),  who  issuid  two 
circular  letters,  about  867,  in  which  he  accused  the  Latin 
church  of  heresy  respecting  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
—  citing  in  behalf  of  his  views  John  xv.  26,  and  urging  the 
speculative  reasons  involved  in  the  position  of  a  monarchy 
in  the  Trinity.     At  the  request  of  the  pope,  Aeneas  of  Paris, 


§  125.     SECTS.  153 

and  Ratra7nmis,  each  defended  the  Western  theory,  —  citing 
John  XV.  26,  xvi.  14,  with  other  texts,  and  urging  the  spec- 
ulative reasons  founded  in  the  consubstantiality  of  the  Fa- 
ther and  Son,  and  the  Augustine  trinitarianism  generally. 
Thus  the  dogmatic  differences  between  the  East  and  West 
were  strengthened. 

3.  In  respect  to  the  doctrine  of  Grace  and  Predestination, 
two  parties  were  formed,  owing  to  the  course  which  the 
development  of  these  truths  had  taken  in  previous  periods, 
—  that  of  strict  Augustinianism,  and  that  of  Semi-Pelagi- 
anism  which,  while  professing  to  follow  Augustine,  softened 
the  severity,  and  concealed  the  logical  results  of  his  system. 
These  parties  engaged  in  earnest  conflict ;  both  found  theo- 
logical champions,  and  both  obtained  ecclesiastical  recogni- 
tion. 

4.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  period,  there  were  in  exis- 
tence three  modes  of  apprehending  the  Sacrament  of  the 
&upper,  —  the  victorious  theory  of  transubstantiation  with 
Lanfranc  for  its  champion  ;  the  defeated  theory  of  Berenga- 
rius,  which  denied  the  real  substantial  presence  of  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  in  any  form  of  statement ;  and  the  the- 
ory of  Bruno  .and  Hildebrand,  which  retained  the  essential 
characteristics  of  the  old  patristic  scheme,  asserting  the  real 
presence  after  consecration,  but  leaving  the  manner  an  unex- 
plained mystery  of  faith  (§  123). 


§  126 

SECTS. 

As  a  Gnosti CO- Mystic  reaction  against  the  formalism  and 
materialisra  of  the  church  and  its  tendencies,  the  Oriental 
sect  of  Panlicians  passed  over  into  this  period  from  the  pre- 
ceding one.  The  Eastern  Paulicians  remained  in  Tephrica 
(§  111),  from  fear  of  the  bordering  Greeks,  until  Basil  the 
Macedonian,  in  871,  destroyed  this  their  chief  city.     Never- 


1"4  A.  D.  S14 — 1073.     history  of  doctrixe. 

theless,  a  considerable  party  of  them  still  remained  in  the 
region,  and  were  urged  by  their  political  misfortunes,  so 
much  the  more  earnestly  to  propagate  their  faith  in  other 
countries,  especially  in  the  newly-founded  Bulgarian  church. 
The  further  extension  of  the  sect  was  promoted  by  the  trans- 
p  .  hj  John  TzimisceSf  in  970,  of  a  great  portion  of 

t..  the  region  of  Philippopolis  in  Thrace. 

From  the  Paulicians  in  Bulgaria,  and,  if  such  there  were, 
f-  '  ■         '  ~    kindred   to  them,  who,  like  the 

r  g  their  Gnostico-Manichaean  char- 

acteristics, were  marked  by  many  beautiful  expressions  of  a 
practical  and  living  Christianity,  aud  in  whose  communion 
many  members  of  the  catholic  church  took  refuge,  failing 
to  find  in  their  own  communion  the  hearty  and  earnest 
religion  for  which  they  yearned,  —  from  these  sources,  in 
all  probability,  are  to  be  derived  all  those  Occidental  Mys- 
tic Sects  who  by  their  contemporaries  were  grouped  under 
the  general  name  of  Manichaean,  and  who,  notwithstanding 
all  their  neglect  or  contempt  of  the  catholic  church,  yet 
observed  as  much  as  possible  the  customary  forms  of  Chris- 
tian worship,  and  oftentimes  were  distinguishable  from 
catholic  Christians  only  by  a  stricter  asceiicisra.  These 
various  sects,  during  the  distractions  of  the  tenth  and  elev- 
enth centuries,  scattered  themselves  through  Italy,  France, 
the  Netherlands,  and  Germany.  Respecting  their  doctrinal 
belief,  we  have,  unfortunately,  no  very  accurate  accounts. 
There  are  notices  of  a  sect  in  Aquiiania,  about  1010,  that 
rejected  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  baptism,  —  agreeing  in 
this  latter  respect  with  the  Paulicians,  who,  like  several  later 
sects  in  the  Middle  Ages,  substituted  for  baptbm  the  laying 
on  c>r  '       '     '  '         -turn),  with  which  they  supposed 

the  i     ,  Ghost  was  connected.     About  the 

year  1017  or  1022,  we  hear  of  a  sect  at  Orleans^  to  which 
»  '  '     '  len  and  overseers  of  the 

T  >ol   at    Orleans  belonged- 

This  sect  was  probably  evangelical  in  respect  to  the  doc- 
trine of  human  nv  i'Ctioii  of  the  doctrine 
of  creation  de  ni  ic,  and  other  gnostic 


§  126.       HERETICAL   SECTS.  155 

errors,  concerning  Christ's  person.     Before  an  assembly  of 
bishops  at  Orleans,  its  advocates  expressed  a  firm  conviction 
of  its  futme  wide  prevalence,  but  evaded  the  questions  thai 
were  asked  them,  by  a  scornful  reference  to  those  who  put 
credit  in  the  "  inventions  of  fleshly  men,  written  upon  parch- 
ment," declaring  that  they  themselves  received  no  doctrine 
but  that  which  was  written  by  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  inner 
man.     Thirteen  of  their  number  died  courageously  at  the 
stake.     About  the  year  1025,  a  sect  arose  in  the  diocese  of 
Arras  and  Cambray,  founded  by  Gundulf  an  Italian,  whose 
members  were  mostly  from  the  lower  classes.     They  pro- 
fessed before  the  civil  tribunal  that  "  their  doctrine  was  in 
accordance  with  the  gospel,  and  consisted  in  the  renuncia- 
tion of  the  world,  in  overcoming  sinful  desires,  living  by  the 
labor  of  the  hands,  and  in  the  exercise  of  brotherly  love 
towards  all  men.     Whoever  should  do  these  things  needed 
no  baptism,  and  baptism  would  not  benefit  any  one  not 
doing  these   things.     Baptism,   as   was  evident  &om  the 
viciousness  of  thousands  of  baptizing  priests,  and  baptized 
laymen,  possessed  no  efficacy,  and  in  the  case  of  infants 
certainly  could  have  none,  as  they  were  incapable  of  a  con- 
scious act  of  faith."    Most  of  this  sect,  however,  though  the 
preaching  of  archbishop  Gerhard^  were  induced  to  return  to 
the  catholic  church.     Still  another  sect,  in  Jloiiffort,  near 
Turin,  was  brought  to   notice  by  archbishop  Heribert  of 
Milan,  during  one  of  his  journeys  of  visitation,  about  the 
year  1030.    They  appear  to  have  held  a  mystical  idealism,  — 
regarding  the  whole  history  of  Christ's  life  as  an  allegorical 
representation  of  the  inner  religious  life ;  asserting  that  the 
true   Sou   of   God  is  nothing  else  than  each  human  soul 
enlishtened  by  God;  and  boasting  that  they  followed  a  pope 
without  the  tonsure,  who  daily  visited  all  their  brethren 
scattered  throughout  the  world,  and  who  imparted  to  them 
forgiveness  of  sins.     They  were  so  confident  of  the  truth  of 
their  idealizing  Christianity,  that  most  of  them  did  not  hes- 
itate, when  the  alternative  was  presented  either  to  adore  the 
cross  or  go  to  the  stake,  to  choose  the  laner.     Lastly,  about 
the  year  1052,  a  sect  appeared  at  Goslar  whose  members, 


156  A.  D.%14— 1073. 


HISTORY    OF    DOCTRINE. 


among  other  peculiarities,  abstained  from  animal  food,  and 
who  by  imperial  orders  were  put  to  death,  —  it  having  now 
become  a  general  custom  to  inflict  the  death-penalty  upon 
heretics,  though  Wazo  (f  1048),  the  excellent  bishop  of 
Liege,  raised  his  voice,  in  vain,  against  it. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


157 


Tear. 
590—814 

590 

595 
597 

600 
601 

601—610 
604 
605 
606 

611—641 
613 
614 
615 
622 

625—638 
630 
632 
633 
634 
635 
637 
638 
640 

642—649 

642—648 
646 

648 
649 
650 
655 
657—684 
668—685 

669 

678—682 

680 

683 

685—695 

690 

692 

696 

701 

705—711 

711 

711—713 

713 


Third  Period. 

Gregory  the  Great.  —  Irish  Missions  :  Columbanus,  Gallus,  and 
others. 

Gregory  of  Tours  dies. 

Columba  dies.  —  The  monk  Augustine  and  his  co-missionaries 
iu  England. 

Goar  upon  the  Rhine. 

Synod  of  VVigorn. 

Phocas  emperor  of  the  Greeks. 

Gregory  the  Great  dies. 

Laurentius,  Augustine's  successor  in  England. 

John  Eleemosynarius  patriarch  of  Alexandria. 

Heraclius  emperor. 

Gallus  at  St.  Gall. 

Chosroes  takes  Jerusalem. 

Columbanus  dies. 

The  Hegira. 

Honorius  bishop  of  Rome. 

Mohammed  takes  Mecca. 

Mohammed  dies.  —  Abubekr  first  caliph. 

Isidore  of  Seville  dies.     Monothelite  controversy  kindled. 

Sophronlus  patriarch  of  Jerusalem.     Omar  second  caliph. 

The  Koran  collected. 

Omar  takes  Jerusalem. 

Heraclius's  eK^eais. 

Gallus  dies. 

Theodorus  bishop  of  Rome. 

Constans  II.  emperor. 

Theodore  pronounces  the  ban  upon  the  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople. 

Tviros  of  the  emperor. 

Martin  I.  bishop  of  Rome.     First  Lateran  Synod  at  Rome. 

Kilian  in  France. 

Council  of  Toledo. 

Sylvanus  the  Paulician. 

The  emperor  Constantinus  Pogonatus  the  persecutor  of  the 
Paulicians. 

Theodore  archbishop  of  Canterbury. 

Agatho  Ijishop  of  Rome. 

Sixth  oecumenical  council  (First  TruUan)  at  Constantinople, 
in  opposition  to  Monothelitism. 

Winifried  (Boniface  the  apostle  to  the  Germans)  born. 

Justinian  II.  emperor. 

Theodore  of  Canterbury  died. 

Second  TruUan  council  (Quinsextum). 

Willebrord  among  the  Prankish  Frieslanders. 

John  Maro  died. 

Justinian  11  emperor  again. 

Spain  in  possession  of  the  Saracens. 

Philippicus  Bardanes  emperor. 

Suidbert  died  in  Westphalia. 


158 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


Yeor. 
714 
715 

715—731 
717 

717—741 
718 
722 
723 
726 
730 

731—741 
732 

735 

739 

741 

741—752 

741—775 

742 

744 

745 

747 

752 

752—768 

752—757 

754 

755 

757—767 

7G0 

768—814 

772—795 

772—803 

774 

775—780 

780 

782 

787 

789 

790 

794 

795—816 

79G 

799 

800 

801 

804 

814 


PIpin  (lied. 

First  missionary  tour  of  Winifried  among  the  Frieslanders. 

(Jrepory  II.  pope. 

Charles  Martil  conquers  Radbod. 

Emperor  Leo  III.  the  Isaurian.  Beginning  of  Image  Controversy. 

Winifried  deputed  from  Rome  to  the  German  mission. 

Winifried  inThuringia  and  Ilessia. 

Winifried  appointed  bishop  (Boniface)  by  Gregory  11.  of  Rome. 

King  I,eo's  edict  against  Image  worship. 

Second  edict  against  Image  worship. 

Grej^ory  III.  pope. 

Boniface  archbishop  and  apostolical  Vicar.      Charles  Martel 

victorious  over  the  Saracens  at  Poictiers. 
Bede  dies. 
Willebrord  dies. 
Charles  Martel  dies. 
Zacharias  pope. 

Constnntinus  Copronymus  emperor 
First  German  provincial  synod. 
Sturmi  founds  the  cloister  of  Fulda. 
Boniface  archbishop  of  INIayence. 
Carlomann  monk.     Synod  of  Cloveshove. 
Pipin  deposes  Childerick  III.     Boniface  anoints  Pipin. 
Pipin  king  of  the  Franks. 
Stephen  II.  pope. 

Council  at  Constantinople  against  Image  worship. 
Boniface   suffers   martyrdom.      Pepin   conquers   Astulph   the 

Lombard. 
Paul  I.  pope. 
John  Damascene  dies. 
Charlemagne. 
Hadrian  I.  pope. 

Charlemagne  makes  war  against  the  Saxons. 
Charlemagne  overthrows  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards. 
Leo  IV.  Greek  emperor. 
First  Cabalistic  writings. 
Alcuin  in  France. 

Seventh  oecumenical  council  at  Nice  restores  Image  worship. 
Willehad  dies. 
Libri  Carolini. 

Council  at  Frankfort-on-the-^Iaine  against  Adoptianism. 
Leo  III.  pope. 
Alcuin's  school  at  Tours. 
Paul  Warncfricd  dies. 
Coronation  of  Charlemagne  at  Rome. 
Sergius  the  Paulician. 
Alcuin  dies. 
Charlemagne  dies. 


CHRONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


159 


Year. 
814—1073 

814 

814 

817—824 

820—829 

824—827 

825 

828 

827—844 
829 

829—842 
830 

831 

835 

840 
842 

844—847 
845 

847—855 
847 
848 
850 
852 
853 
855 

855—858 
856 
858 

858—867 
861 
862 
863 

865 
867—886 

867 
867—872 

868 

869 

871—901 

872—882 

877 

872—880 

885—891 
891 


Fourth  Period. 

Lewis  the  Pious,  emperor. 

Claudius  of  Turin. 

Paschalis  I.  pope. 

Michael  II.  Greek  emperor. 

Eugenius  11.  pope. 

Synod  of  Paris  respecting  Image-worship. 

Theodore  Studita  dies.     Harold  king  of  Denmark  baptised. 

Anschar  in  Denmark. 
Gregory  IV.  pope. 
Anschar  in  Sweden. 
Theophilus  Greek  emperor. 

Greek  imperial  edict  against  Image  worship.     First  appear- 
ance of  the  Pseudo-Isodorean  Decretals.  * 
Anschar  archbishop  of  Hamburg.     Paschaslus  Radbert  De 

corpore  et  sanguine  Dominii. 
The  Paulician  Sergius  dies. 
Claudius  of  Turin  dies. 

Synod  of  Constantinople  declares  for  Image  worship. 
Sergius  II.  pope. 

Hamburg  destroyed  by  the  Normans. 
Leo  IV.  pope. 

Rabanus  Maurus  archbishop  of  Mainz. 
Synod  of  Mainz  excommunicates  Gottschalk. 
Beginning  of  Saracen  persecution  in  Spain. 
Council  of  Cordova. 

Second  Synod  of  Chiersy  against  Gottschalk. 
Council  of  Valence  declares  for  Gottschalk.    Pope  Joanna.(?) 
Benedict  HI.  pope. 
Rabanus  Maurus  dies. 
Photius    patriarch    of   Constantinople ;     beginning   of   the 

rupture  between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches. 
Nicholas  I.  pope. 

Methodius  among  the  Bulgarians. 
Iceland  discovered. 
Cyril   and  Methodius   among  the  Moravians.     Nicholas  of 

Rome  deposes  Photius. 
Anschar  and  Paschaslus  Radbert  die. 
Basil  the  Macedonian,  Greek  emperor. 
Council  of  Constantinople  :  Photius  deposes  the  pope. 
Hadrian  H.  pope. 
Ratramanus  dies. 
Council  of  Constantinople  (eighth  oecmnenlcal  for  the  Latin 

Church).     Gottschalk  dies  in  prison. 
Alfred  the  Great. 
John  Vin.  pope. 
Scotus  Erigena  dies. 
Council  of   Constantinople   (eighth    oecumenical    for   the 

Greek  Church). 
Stephen  VI.  pope. 
Photius  dies  in  exile. 


160 


CHKONOLOGICAL    TABLE. 


Year. 

904—911 

914—928 

927 

931—973 

934 

936—973 

955 

956—963 

960 

963 

966 

982 

983—1002 

985—996 

993 

996—999 

999—1003 

1000 

1002—1024 

1008 

1012—1024 

1014—1035 

1024—1039 

1024—1033 

1031 

1032 

1033 

1033— 104G 

1039—1050 

1044 

1046 

1046—1047 
1047 
1048 

1049—1054 
1050 
1054 

1055 

1055—1057 

1056—1106 

1057— 105H 

1058 

1059 

1061—1073 
1066 
1070 
1072 

1073—1085 


Serglus  III.  pope. 

John  X.  pope. 

Odo  of  Clufjny. 

John  XI.  pope. 

Henry  I.  compels  the  Danes  to  receive  Christianity. 

Otto  I.  emperor. 

Olga  (Helena)  baptized  at  Constantinople. 

John  XII.  pope. 

Hacon  first  Christian  king  of  Norway. 

John  XII.  deposeil ;  Leo  VHI.  pope. 

Meicislaw  of  Poland  baptized. 

Greenland  discovered. 

Otto  III.  emperor. 

John  XV.  pope. 

First  papal  canonization  (Ulrich  of  Augsburg). 

Gregory  V.  pope. 

Pope  Sylvester  II. 

Iceland  receives  Christianity. 

Henry  II.  emperor. 

Olaf  of  Sweden  baptized. 

Benedict  VIII.  pope. 

Canute  the  Great. 

Conrad  II.  emperor. 

.John  XIX.  pope. 

First  interdict. 

First  "  Truce  of  God." 

Anselm  born. 

Benedict  IX.  pope. 

Henry  III.  emperor. 

Sylvester  III.  (second  pope). 

Sjnod  of  Sutri  under  Henry  HI.  deposes  three  popes,  and 

elects  Clement  II. 
Clement  II.  pope. 
Henry  III.  dies. 
Damasus  II.  pope. 
Leo  IX.  pope. 

Berengarius  condemned  at  the  SjTiod  of  Rome. 
Complete  separation  between    the    Eastern  and  Western 

churches. 
Albert  bishop  of  Greenland. 
Vict(jr  II.  pope. 
Henry  IV   emperor. 
Stephen  IX.  pope. 
Benedict  X.  pope. 
College  of  Canlinals.     Papal  prohibition  of  priestly  functions 

to  married  clergy. 
Alexantler  II.  pope. 
Gottsclialk  murdered. 
Lanfranc  arehl)ishop  of  Canterbury. 

Peter  Damiani  dies.  ♦ 

Gregory  VII.  (Ilildebrand)  pope. 


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S 


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Guericke's  Church  History  (Ancient  Church ;  including  the  First 
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aspects  of  Christianity."  —  North  British  Review. 

"  We  regard  Professor  Shedd's  version  as  a  happy  specimen  of  the  transfusion 
rather  than  a  translation,  which  many  of  the  German  treatises  should  receive.  The 
style  of  lus  version  is  far  superior  to  that  of  the  original."  —  Bibliotheca  Sacra. 

'"  Among  the  most  faithful,  and  yet  the  most  indej)endent,  of  the  followers  of 
Neander,  may  be  mentioned  Guericke,  who  carries  out  Neander's  plan  in  a  more 
compendious  form,  but  with  an  almost  ])igoted  attachment  to  the  peculiar  doctrines 
of  Luther,  in  a  stjle  so  crabbed  and  involved,  that  we  should  not  have  hesitated  to 
pronounce  it  untranslatable,  but  for  the  fact  that  an  eminent  teacher  and  an 
accomplished  writer  of  our  own  country  has  achieved  what  we  regarded  as  a 
sheer  impossibility.  We  are  glad  to  have  a  book  made  legible  in  English,  which, 
in  s])ite  of  its  original  uncouthness,  has  been  eminently  useful,  as  a  vehicle,  not 
only  of  the  best  historical  knowledge,  but  of  sincere  piety,  and  sound  religious 
sentiment  in  reference  to  all  essentials."  —  Princeton  Review. 

"  In  clearness  the  style  of  the  translation  exceeds  the  original.  The  natural 
animation  and  life-like  character,  which  commonly  vanish  in  the  process  of  trans- 
lating from  the  German,  have  been  retained  with  signal  success.  We  arc  disposed 
to  consider  it  the  best  of  the  current  text-books  for  the  use  of  which  Prof  Shedd 
designs  it."  —  New  Enylander. 

"  Here  is  a  Maimal  of  Church  History  which  may  be  confidently  recommended, 
without  reserve  or  qualification,  to  students  belonging  to  all  evangelical  churches. 
Guericke  is  thoroughly  Orthodox.  His  evangelical  belief  and  feeling  give  him  a 
lively  and  apjn-cciative  interest  in  the  internal  history  of  the  Church  ;  he  devotes 
special  attention  to  the  development  of  doctrine,  and  presents  the  range  of  thought 
and  substance  of  opinion  distinguishing  tlie  works  of  the  jirincijjal  writers  in  suc- 
cessive ages  of  the  Church.  Guericke's  JIanual  is  coinjiletc  in  the  particular  lines 
of  history  he  has  chosen,  and  is  a  most  useful  and  reliable  i>o(tk  for  the  theological 
class-room.  Professor  Shedd  1ms  wisely  translated  with  freedom,  and  has  improved 
the  structure  of  the  work."  —  Noncomjormist. 

"  We  are  glad  that  a  Manual  of  Church  History  has  appeared,  which  exhibits, 
at  once,  undoubted  orthodoxy,  and  that  grasp  of  mind  which  alone  is  capable  of 
treating  such  a  subject  with  a  luminous  and  lively  brevity." —  Clerical  Journal. 

"  The  established  credit  of  Guericke's  labors  in  the  department  of  Kcclesiastical 
History,  and  the  use  made  of  his  works  by  many  Engli,--li  writers  will  make  this 
volume  acce])table  to  a  very  large  class  of  students  and  readers."  —  London  Journal 
of  Sacred  Literature. 

"  With  the  additions  and  improvements  made  in  the  successive  editions,  it  is 
now,  on  the  whole,  the  most  readable  work  on  Church  History  to  be  found.  Wo 
have  used  the  original  for  some  years,  and  entirely  agree  with  the  translator,  that 
it  hits  the  mean  between  an  ofiensive  fulness  and  a  barren  epitome." — Central 
Christian  IJi  raid. 

"  It  is  just  the  work  that  the  student  of  Church  History  needs  for  his  companion 
and  guide" —  Christian  Mirror. 

"  Perhaps  it  would  be  difficult  in  the  same  space  to  find  so  much  matter,  or  so 
com))lete  a  history  during  the  jjoriod  of  which  it  treats,  as  is  given  in  this  Manual. 
The  volume  is  one  of  the  mo.st  most  valuable  of  its  kind,  in  the  department  of 
Ecclesiastical  History  "  —  Lvamjelical  Ri  vitw. 

Guei'ieke's  Chiirch  History  —  Mediceval  Church.  i>i».  108.  $1.75 
"  This  jMjrtion  of  Guericke's  Church  History  continues  the  account  down  to  A.D. 
1073,  when  Hildebrand  ascended  the  ]'a]ial  chair  as  (Jregory  VII.  It  includes, 
amouf:  other  topics,  the  spread  of  Christianity  an)ong  the  (iothic,  Scandiniivian, 
and  .Sclavic  races;  the  distracting  controversies  respecting  the  t>vi>  Wills  in  Christ, 
Iinajic  Worship,  and  tin-  Sacrament  of  the  Supper ;  and  the  great  .schism  between 
the  East  and  West.  With  the  ])ieviotis  volume,  this  addition  comprises  the  History 
of  the  Church  during  the  iirst  ten  centuries." 


Books  Published  hy  TV.  F.  Draper. 

The  Confessions  of  St.  Augustine.    Edited,  with  an  Introduction, 
by  W.  G.  T.  Shedd.     12mo.     Cloth,  bevelled  edges.  $1.50 

"  This  is  a  beautiful  edition  of  a  precious  work.  The  Confessions  of  Augustine 
are  so  honest,  that  we  easily  become  enthusiastic  in  their  praise.  The  depth  of  his 
piety,  the  boldness  of  his  imagination,  the  profoundness  of  his  genius,  his  extrava- 
gant conceptions,  his  veiy  straining  and  stretching  of  philosophical  and  biblical 
statements,  have  all  a  certain  chai-m  which  ensures  for  his  works  an  enduring 
popularity."  —  Bihllothcca  Sacra. 

"  The  best  commentary  that  was  ever  written  on  the  seventh  and  eighth  chapters 
of  Romans,  from  an  experimental  point  of  view,  is  contained  in  this  autobiography 
of  one  of  the  most  keenly  metaphysical,- intensely  poetical,  and,  -withal,  sensuously 

enthralled  natures  that  ever  submitted  to  the  power  of  sovereign  grace We 

scaixely  know  of  a  better  book  for  daily  devotional  perusal,  especially  by  min- 
isters."—  Boston  Recicw. 

"  This  beautiful  edition  of  a  theological  classic  is  desirable,  on  account  of  the 
careful  conii)arison  of  the  whole  work  with  the  Latin  text,  and  the  addition  of 
explanatory  notes."  —  Evarifjciical  Quarterly. 

"  In  this  little  work  the  reno\^^aed  tlieologian  unbosoms  himself  without  reserve 
and  carries  us  along  the  stream,  of  his  spiritual  life,  through  its  turbid  flow  in 
mazes  of  error  and  vice,  until  it  attains  to  calm  under  the  sunlight  of  Christian 
faith.  We  commend  this  handsome  edition  of  his  work  to  the  attention  of  our  read- 
ers. It  is  refreshing  to  turn  from  the  '  sensation '  preacher  of  the  day  to  the  writings 
of  a  man  whose  depth  of  thought  and  strength  of  emotion  are  answerable  to  the 
ardor  and  vehemence  of  liis  manner."'  —  NewEmiJander. 

"  In  tills  beautiful  edition  of  Augustine's  Confessions,  published  in  the  antique 
style,  the  translation  has  been  carefully  revised  by  Prof.  Shedd,  of  Andover,  from 
a  comparison  with  the  Latin  text.  His  Introduction  presents  a  fine  analysis  of 
Augustine's  religious  experience  in  its  bearing  upon  his  theological  system.  Both 
the  intellect  and  the  heart  of  the  modern  preacher  may  be  refreshed  and  stimulated 
by  the  frequent  perusal  of  these  Confessions."  —  Independent. 

"  Prof,  yhedd  has  earned  our  heartfelt  thanks  for  this  elegant  edition  of  Augus- 
tine's Confessions.  The  book  is  profitable  for  the  Christian  to  study,  and  we 
would  commend  it  as  a  Aa\\y  companion  in  the  closet  of  the  intelligent  believer 
who  desires  to  be  taught  the  way  to  holiness  tlu-ough  communion  of  the  Spirit. 
Prof  Shedd's  Introduction  is  a  masterly  essay,  which  of  itself  is  a  volume  for 
attentive  reading.  It  ought  to  be  read  before  the  book  is  begun.  Thorough, 
searching,  and  discriminating,  beyond  the  facts  it  communicates,  its  instruction 
and  hints  are  suggestive  and  invaluable.  The  book  is  handsomely  issued,  and 
ought  to  have  a  large  circulation."  —  Neio  York  Observer. 

The  basis  of  this  beautiful  edition  of  the  greatest,  truest,  and  most  sincere  of  all 
psychological  and  religious  autobiographies,  is  a  vivid  and  s}-mpathetie  old  Eng- 
glish  translation,  whose  author  is  unknown.  Prof  Shedd  has  carefully  compared 
it  with  the  original,  and  illustrated  it  vnth  explanatory  notes.  He  has  also  sup- 
plied a  scholarly  Introduction,  in  which  the  individuality  of  Augustine  is  keenly 
analyzed,  and  the  leading  characteristics  of  the  Confessions  lucidly  set  forth.  The 
publisher  has  done  his  part- of  the  work  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deserve  the  honor 
of  being  the  first  American  publisher  who  has  issued  this,  one  of  the  great  religious 
classics  of  the  world,  in  a  style  at  all  adequate  to  its  value  and  importance."  — 
Evening  Transcript. 

"  We  have  long  wanted  to  see  just  stich  an  edition  of  Augustine's  Confessions. 
The  editor  has  done  a  public  sen'ice  in  introducing  it ;  and  its  typographical 
beauty  is  no  small  recommendation  of  it." — Presbyterian. 

"  Augustine  was  the  brightest  light  in  the  age  of  the  Christian  fathers.  After 
many  years  of  intense  inquiry  after  the  tnuii  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  he  at  last  broke  away 
from  his  doubts  and  perplexities  and  reached  the  object  of  his  struggles.  He  be- 
came a  decided,  devoted  Christian,  an  able  minister  of  the  New  Testament,  a  pow- 
erful defender  of  evangelical  doctrine  against  the  heresies  of  his  day,  and  an  emi- 
nent bishop  of  the  church.  These  confessions,  as  they  are  called  in  this  book,  are 
on  great  subjects  of  Christian  experience  and  biblical  truth,  and  are  richly  worth 
purchasing  and  reading,  for  he  was  a  profound  thinker  and  a  mighty  champion  in 
Israel."  —  Religious  Union. 

U 


Books  Puhlislied  hj  TV.  F.  Draper. 

Guericke's  Chvirch  History  (Ancient  Church  ;  including  the  First 
Six  Centuries).  Translated  by  "William  G.  T.  Shedd,  Brown 
Professor  in  Andover  Theological  Seminary.  8vo.  pp.  442.    $3.00 

"  Gnerickc's  ffistory  is  characterized  by  research,  devoutness,  firm  grasp  of 
evangelical  truth,  and  careful  exhibition  of  the  practical  as  well  as  the  intellectual 
aspects  of  Christianity."  —  North  British  Review. 

"  We  regard  Professor  Shedd's  version  as  a  happy  specimen  of  the  transfusion 
ravber  than  a  translation,  which  many  of  the  German  treatises  should  receive.  The 
style  of  his  version  is  far  superior  to  that  of  the  original."  —  Bihliotheca  Sacra. 

'"  Among  the  most  faithful,  and  yet  the  most  independent,  of  the  followers  of 
Neander,  may  be  mentioned  Guericke,  who  carries  out  Neander's  plan  in  a  mo're 
com])endious  form,  but  with  an  almost  bigoted  attachment  to  the  peculiar  doctrines 
of  Luther,  in  a  style  so  crabbed  and  involved,  that  we  should  not  have  hesitated  to 
pronounce  it  untranslatable,  but  for  the  fact  that  an  eminent  teacher  and  an 
accomplished  writer  of  our  own  country  has  achieved  what  we  regarded  as  a 
eheer  impossibility.  We  are  glad  to  have  a  book  made  legible  in  English,  which, 
in  spite  of  its  original  uncouthness,  has  been  eminently  useful,  as  a  vehicle,  not 
only  of  the  best  historical  knowledge,  but  of  sincere  piety,  and  sound  religious 
sentiment  in  reiereuce  to  all  essentials." — Princeton  Review. 

"  In  clearness  the  style  of  the  translation  exceeds  the  original.  The  natural 
animation  and  life-like  character,  which  commonly  vanish  in  the  jirocess  of  trans- 
lating from  the  German,  have  been  retained  with  signal  success.  We  are  disposed 
to  consider  it  the  best  of  the  current  text-books  for  the  use  of  which  Prof.  Shedd 
designs  it."  —  New  Englamler. 

"  Here  is  a  Manual  of  Church  History  which  may  be  confidently  recommended, 
without  reserve  or  qualification,  to  students  belonging  to  all  evangelical  churches. 
Guericke  is  thoroughly  Orthodox.  His  evangelical  laelicf  and  feeling  give  him  a 
lively  and  appreciative  interest  in  the  internal  history  of  the  Church  ;  he  devotes 
special  attention  to  the  development  of  doctrine,  and  presents  the  range  of  thought 
and  substance  of  opinion  distinguishing  the  works  of  the  jirincijjal  writers  in  suc- 
cessive ages  of  the  Church.  Guericke's  Manual  is  coin]ilete  in  the  particular  lines 
of  history  he  has  chosen,  and  is  a  most  useful  and  reliable  book  for  the  theological 
class-room.  Professor  Shedd  has  wisely  translated  with  freedom,  and  has  improved 
the  structure  of  the  work."  —  Nouromformist. 

"  We  arc  glad  that  a  Manual  of  Church  History  has  appeared,  which  exhibits, 
at  once,  undoubted  orthodoxy,  and  that  grasp  of  mind  which  alone  is  capable  of 
treating  such  a  subject  with  a  luminous  and  lively  brevity." —  Clerical  Journal. 

"  The  established  credit  of  Guericke's  labors  in  the  department  of  Ecclesiastical 
History,  and  the  use  made  of  his  works  by  many  Eiigiisb  writers  will  make  this 
volume  acceptable  to  a  very  large  class  of  students  and  readers."  —  London  Journal 
of  Sacred  Literature. 

"  With  the  additions  and  improvements  made  in  the  successive  editions,  it  is 
now,  on  the  whole,  the  most  readable  work  on  Church  History  to  be  found.  We 
have  used  the  origiiuil  for  some  years,  and  entirely  agree  with  the  translator,  that 
it  hits  the  mean  between  an  ofiensive  fulness  and  a  barren  epitome." — Centrai 
Christian  IJrnild. 

"  It  is  just  the  work  that  the  student  of  Church  History  needs  for  his  companion 
and  guide"  —  Christian  Mirror. 

"Perhaps  it  would  be  difficult  in  the  same  space  to  find  so  much  matter,  or  so 
comi)lete  a  history  during  the  period  of  which  it  treats,  as  is  given  in  this  Manual. 
The  volume  is  one  of  the  most  most  valuable  of  its  kind,  in  the  department  of 
Ecclesiastical  History  "  —  Ecanijelical  Ri  ri(W. 

Guericke's  Chiirch  History  —  Mediceval  Church,    pp.  1G8.  $1.75 

"  This  portion  of  Guericke's  Church  History  continues  the  account  down  to  A.D. 
1073,  when  llildebrand  ascended  the  Papal  chair  as  Gregory  VII.  It  includes, 
among  other  topics,  the  sjtread  of  Christianity  among  the  Gothic.  Scaiidinnvian, 
and  Sclavic  races  ;  the  distracting  controversies  respecting  the  two  Wills  in  Christ, 
Image  Worship,  and  tlie  Sacrament  of  the  Sui)pcr  ;  and  the  great  schism  between 
the  East  and  West.  With  the  jjrevious  volume,  this  addition  comprises  the  History 
of  the  Church  during  the  iirst  ten  centuries." 


Books  Published  by  TV.  F.  Draper. 

The  Confessions  of  St.  Augustine.    Edited,  with  an  Introduction, 
by  W.  G.  T.  Shedd.     12mo.     Cloth,  bevelled  edges.  $1.50 

"  This  is  a  beautiful  edition  of  a  precious  work.  The  Confessions  of  Augustine 
are  so  honest,  that  we  easily  become  enthusiastic  in  their  praise.  The  depth  of  his 
piety,  the  boldness  of  his  imagination,  the  profoundness  of  his  genius,  his  extrava- 
gant conceptions,  his  very  straining  and  stretching  of  philosophical  and  biblical 
statements,  have  all  a  certain  charm  which  ensures  for  his  works  au  enduring 
popularity."  —  Bibliotheca  Sacra. 

"  The  best  commentary  that  was  overwritten  on  the  seventh  and  eighth  chapters 
of  Romans,  from  an  experimental  point  of  view,  is  contained  in  this  autobiography 
of  one  of  the  most  keenly  metaphysical,  intensely  poetical,  and,  withal,  sensuously 

enthralled  natures  that  ever  submitted  to  the  power  of  sovereign  grace We 

scarcely  know  of  a  better  book  for  daily  devotional  perusal,  especially  by  min- 
isters."—  Boston  Review. 

"  This  beautiful  edition  of  a  theological  classic  is  desirable,  on  account  of  the 
careful  comparison  of  the  whole  work  with  the  Latin  text,  and  the  addition  of 
explanatory  notes."  —  Evangelical  Qtiaiierlij. 

"  In  this  little  work  the  renowned  theologian  unbosoms  himself  without  reserve 
and  carries  us  along  the  stream,  of  liis  spiritual  life,  through  its  turbid  flow  in 
mazes  of  error  and  vice,  imtil  it  attains  to  calm  under  the  sunlight  of  Christian 
faith.  We  commend  this  handsome  edition  of  his  work  to  the  attention  of  our  read- 
ers. It  is  refreshing  to  turn  from  the  '  sensation '  preacher  of  the  day  to  the  writings 
of  a  man  whose  depth  of  thought  and  strength  of  emotion  are  answerable  to  the 
ardor  and  vehemence  of  his  manner."  —  NewEnglancler. 

"  In  this  beautiful  edition  of  Augustine's  Confessions,  published  in  the  antique 
style,  the  translation  has  been  carefully  revised  by  Prof  Shedd,  of  Andover,  from 
a  comparison  with  the  Latin  text.  His  Introduction  presents  a  fine  analysis  of 
Augustine's  religious  experience  in  its  bearing  iipon  his  theological  system.  Both 
the  intellect  and  the  heart  of  the  modern  preacher  may  be  refreshed  and  stimulated 
by  the  frccjuent  jierusal  of  these  Confessions."  —  Independent. 

"  Prof.  Slicdd  has  earned  our  heartfelt  thanks  for  this  elegant  edition  of  Augus- 
tine's Confessions.  The  book  is  profitable  for  the  Christian  to  study,  and  we 
would  commend  it  as  a  daily  companion  in  the  closet  of  the  intelligent  believer 
who  desires  to  be  taught  the  way  to  holiness  tlu'ough  communion  of  the  Spirit. 
Prof  Shedd's  Introduction  is  a  masterly  essay,  which  of  itself  is  a  volume  for 
attentive  reading.  It  ought  to  be  read  before  the  book  is  begun.  Thorough, 
searching,  and  discriminating,  beyond  the  facts  it  communicates,  its  instruction 
and  hints  are  suggestive  and  invaluable.  The  book  is  handsomely  issued,  and 
ought  to  have  a  large  circulation."  —  New  York  Observer. 

The  basis  of  this  beautiful  edition  of  the  greatest,  truest,  and  most  sincere  of  all 
psychological  and  religious  autobiographies,  is  a  vivid  and  sympathetic  old  Eng- 
glish  translation,  whose  author  is  unknown.  Prof  Shedd  has  carefully  compared 
it  with  the  original,  and  illustrated  it  with  explanatory  notes.  He  has  also  sup- 
plied a  scholarly  Introduction,  in  which  the  individuality  of  Augustine  is  keenly 
analyzed,  and  the  leading  characteristics  of  the  Confessions  lucidly  set  forth.  The 
publisher  has  done  his  part'  of  the  work  in  such  a  manner  as  to  deserve  the  honor 
of  being  the  first  American  publisher  who  has  issued  this,  one  of  the  great  religious 
classics  of  the  world,  in  a  style  at  all  adequate  to  its  value  and  importance."  — 
Evening  Transcript. 

"  We  have  long  wanted  to  see  just  such  an  edition  of  Augustine's  Confessions. 
The  editor  has  done  a  public  service  in  introducing  it ;  and  its  typographical 
beauty  is  no  small  recommendation  of  it."  —  Presbyterian. 

"Augustine  was  the  brightest  light  in  the  age  of  the  Christian  fathers.  After 
many  years  of  intense  inquiry  after  the  truth  as  it  is  in  Jesus,  he  at  last  broke  away 
from  his  doubts  and  perplexities  and  reached  the  object  of  his  struggles.  He  be- 
came a  decided,  devoted  Christian,  an  able  minister  of  the  New  Testament,  a  pow- 
erful defender  of  evangelical  doctrine  against  the  heresies  of  his  day,  and  an  emi- 
nent bishop  of  the  church.  These  confessions,  as  they  are  called  in  this  book,  are 
on  great  subjects  of  Christian  experience  and  biblical  truth,  and  are  richly  worth 
purchasing  and  reading,  for  he  was  a  profound  thinker  and  a  mighty  champion  in 
Israel."  —  Religious  Union. 

U 


Boolis  Published  by  W.  F.  Draper. 

Outlines  of  a  Systematic  Rhetoric.  From  the  German  of  Dr. 
Fraxcis  Theremin,  by  Willia3I  G.  T.  Shedd.  Third  and 
Revised  Edition,  with  an  Introductory  Essay  by  the  Translator. 
12mo.     pp.  216.  $1.00 

"Advanced  students  will  find  it  well  worthy  of  perusal.  The  adoption  of  its 
leading  ideas  would  ennoble  the  art  of  rhetoric  into  a  science,  the  practice  of  speak- 
ing into  a  virtue,  and  would  clothe  the  whole  subject  in  our  schools  and  colleges 
with  a  fresh  and  vital  interest.  The  Introductory  Essay  which  Professor  Shedd 
has  prefixed  to  this  valuable  Treatise,  is  elaborate,  vigorous,  im]>ressive.  It 
excites  the  mind  not  only  to  thouijht,  but  also  to  the  expression  of  thought  — >  to 
inward  and  outward  activity.  The  whole  volume  is  characterized  by  freshness 
and  originality  of  remark,  a  purity  and  earnestness  of  moral  feeling."  —  Bib.  Saa-a. 

"  It  is  not  a  work  of  surface  suggestion,  but  of  thorough  and  philosophic  analy- 
sis, and,  as  such,  is  of  great  value  to  the  student,  and  especially  to  him  who 
habitually  addresses  men  on  the  most  important  themes." — Conrfregational  Quarferli/. 

"  The  subject  is  ably  unfolded  in  this  compact  yet  thorough  treatise.  What, 
however,  is  exhibited  by  Theremin  in  a  dry  light,  in  the  form  of  naked  ])hiloso])hic 
statement,  is  displayed  by  Professor  Shedd  in  his  Introductory  Essay,  with  that 
clow  of  life,  beauty,  and  force,  which  distinguishes  his  writings."  —  Princeton 
lievieio. 

"  This  is  a  work  of  much  solid  value.  It  is  adapted  to  advanced  students,  and 
can  be  read  and  re-read  with  advantage  by  professed  public  sjjcakers,  however 
accomplished  they  may  be  in  the  important  art  of  persuasion.  This  edition  is  an 
improvement  upon  the  other,  containing  a  new  Introductory  Essay  illustrating  the 
leading  position  of  the  work,  and  a  series  of  questions  adapting  it  to  the  use  of  the 
student.  ' —  Boston  Recorder. 

"  A  more  thorough  and  suggestive,  and,  in  the  main,  sensible  view  of  the  subject 
is  hardly  to  be  found.  The  central  idea  of  Theremin's  theory  is,  that  Eloquence 
is  a  vimie,  and  he  who  reads  this  little  Vniok  will  be  sure  to  receive  an  imjjulse 
in  the  direction  of  masculine,  thoughtful  discourse." — Conqrcf/ationul  Uerald. 

"  A  gooil  work,  improved  in  this  issue." —  Congreqationalist. 

"  This  treatise  is  learned  and  thorough."  —  New  York  Eranrjelist. 

"  The  noble  treatise  of  Theremin,  in  which  the  art  of  Eloquence  is  placed  upon 
a  higii  moral  ground,  and  Rhetoric  is  finely  exhibited  as  a  philosophical  system." 
Indciii*nfl'nt. 

"This  is  a  thorough  and  philosophical  treatise  on  an  important  subject."  — 
Reliijioiis  Union. 

SmifJi.      Select  Sermons  of  Bev.  Worth ington  Smith,  D.D, 

"With  a  Memoir  of  his    Life,  by  Rev.  Joseph   Torrey,  D.D., 
Professor  in  Burlington  College.     12mo.     pp.  380.  $1.25 

"  This  is  a  mcnwrial  volume  of  Dr.  Smith,  late  President  of  the  Vermont  Uni- 
versity, and  was  ])rej)arcd  at  the  request  of  many  of  his  friends.  An  interesting 
Memoir  of  his  Life,  edited  i)y  Kev.  Jose])h  Torrey,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Intellectual 
and  Moral  Philosojiliy,  introduces  the  Sermims.  '  Dr.  Smith  was  a  native  of  Ilad- 
lev,  Mass.,  and  was  (or  many  years  pastor  over  a  reliLMous  society  in  St.  Albans, 
Vermont.  P'or  six  years  he  othciated  as  President  of  the  Veriuoiit  University  at 
Burlini;t«m,  which  olliee  he  resigned  in  consequence  of  ill  health,  and  died  a  few 
months  afterwards.  The  Memoir  is  followed  by  sixteen  Sermons  on  various  sub- 
jects." —  Boston  Ihillji  AdvrtisfT. 

"  This  brief  Memoir  from  the  j)en  of  Prof  Torrey  sets  forth  his  marked  pecu- 
liarities as  a  man,  a  C'hristiaii.  a  preaelier,  and  as  the  head  of  the  University  in  a 
yirartical,  tisefnl,  and  very  readable  manner.  Valuable  hints  upon  various  questions 
ot  Conu're^.'ational  ])olity  are  thrown  (uit,  in  the  course  of  the  discussion,  and  much 
information  of  value  to  ministers  is  included  in  the  sketch  of  tliiiprudent  and  use- 
ful man.  Sixteen  Sermons  complete  the  volume,  showing  Dr.  Smith's  character- 
istics as  a  jiulpit  laborer." —  'J'/if  Cou'irci/ritioiiiilist. 

"A  beautiful  and  worthy  tribute  to  a  rich  character  and  noble  life." — iV.  A.  Review. 

V 


Books  PuUished.  hy  W.  F.  Draper. 

Whately.    Writings  of  Archhishop  IFIiately.    Published  under 

the  sanction  of  the  author,  from  the  latest  revised  editions ;  viz. 
Essays  on  some  of  the  Difficulties  in  the  Writings  of  St.  Paul. 
12mo.     pp.  397.     Cloth  extra,  gilt  tops.  $2.00 

"  Dr.  Whately's  writings  are  characterized  by  sound  thought  and  solid  judgment. 
Clear  and  solid  sense  is  his  peculiar  characteristic.  He  is  often  ingenious,  generally 
candid,  almost  always  plain  and  transparent.  He  sometimes  fails  in  acuteness,  as 
is  seen  in  the  third  Essay  of  the  present  volume,  where,  as  we  think,  he  fails  to 
apprehend  the  exact  idea  of  '  election ' ;  still,  he  is  more  sharp-sighted  than  the 
majority  of  writers  on  theological  topics. 

"  We  regard  the  present  volume  as,  on  the  whole,  the  ablest  of  his  theological 
works.  It  deserves  the  faithful  study  of  every  clergyman.  Dr.  Whately  is  one  of 
those  authors  who  can  be  as  profitably  read  by  those  who  do  not  agree  with  him 
as  by  those  who  do.  The  religious  opinions  of  a  writer  who  earned  so  eminent  a 
name  in  the  department  of  logic  and  rhetoric,  and  who  had  so  great  skill  in  the 
practical  affi\irs  relating  to  the  state  as  well  as  the  church,  cannot  be  without 
peculiar  interest  to  the  theologian."  —  Bibliotheca  Sacra. 

"An  excellent  work."  —  Neio  York  Evangelist. 

"  One  of  those  volumes  which  make  sound  learning  and  thorough  biblical  scholar- 
ship so  honorable  in  the  sight  of  all  men.  A  man  of  exact  and  extensive  learning, 
a  patient  and  devoted  student  of  the  Scriptures,  clear  as  crystal  in  his  thought, 
and  as  clear  in  his  language  and  methods  of  expressing  it,  a  lover  of  truth,  and 
not  afraid  to  utter  it."  —  Universalist  Quarterhj. 

"  The  Archbishop's  writings  are  a  part  of  the  sterling  theological  letters  of  the 
age,  and  ought  to  be  possessed  by  all  the  studious  and  thoughtful."  —  Journal  and 
Messenger. 

"  Tliis  book  had  passed  through  at  least  eight  editions  in  England  before  its 
publication  in  this  country.  Dr.  Whately  is  always  entitled  to  a  hearing.  Never 
profound,  he  is  always  clear  ;  never  very  original,  he  is  always  instructive ;  never 
disgustingly  dogmatic,  he  always  seems  to  feel  a  serene  assurance  that  he  has 
exhausted  the  whole  subject,  and  that  his  verdict  is  final ;  always  positive  and 
didactic,  he  is  yet  never  extreme,  but  always  takes  the  middle  and  moderate  view." 
—  Watchman  and  Reflector. 

Essays  on  some  of  the  Peculiarities  of  the  Christian  Keligion. 
and  Historic  Doubts  concerning  Napoleon.  12mo.  pp.  264 
and  48.     Bound  in  1  vol.     Cloth  extra,  gilt  tops.  $2.00 

Historic  Doubts  concerning  Napoleon.    12mo.      pp.  48. 

Paper  covers,  25  cents  ;  cloth,  50  cents. 
About  the  year  1821  Whately  published  this  Essay  anonymously.  _  It  was 
designed  as  an  answer  to  Hume's  objections  to  the  credibility  of  the  Christian  mir- 
acles. Following  Hume's  method,  Whately  gravely  argued  the  improbability  of 
the  existence  of  the  first  Napoleon,  and  demonstrated  that,  on  Hume's  principles, 
the  testimony  in  relation  thereto  could  not  be  credited.  In  the  second  edition  of 
this  Essay,  the  author  humorously  assumed  the  fact  of  the  death  of  Napoleon, 
which  had  then  just  occurred,  as  a  confirmation  of  his  theory,  asserting  that  "the 
newspapers,"  finding  that  his  little  tract  had  called  attention  to  their  '  phantom,' 
had  disposed  of  the  tract  by  killing  the  phantom. 

Woods.  Works  of  Leonard  Woods,  D.D.,  late  Professor  in  An- 
dover  Theological  Seminary,  comprising  Lectures,  Letters,  Essays, 
and  Sermons.     5  vols.     8vo.  $12.00 

"  The  pulpit  here  finds  a  fountain  of  light  that  it  may  continue  to  reflect  with 
power  and  etfect  throughout  the  world.  Dr.  Woods  had  no  superior  in  scholarship, 
in  industry,  and  in  ability  to  impress  the  inquirer  after  truth."  —  Religious  Union. 

Z 


Books  Published  by  TV.  F.  Draper. 

Winer.    A  Grammar  of  the  Idiom  of  the  Xetv  Testament: 

prepared  as  a  Solid  Basis  for  the  Interpretation  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. By  Dr.  George  Benedict  Winer.  Seventh  edition, 
enlarged  and  improved.  By  Dr.  Gottlieb  Lunemann,  Pro- 
fessor of  Theology  at  the  University  of  Gottingen.  Revised  and 
Authorized  Translation.     8vo.     pp.  744. 

Cloth,  $5.00 ;  sheep,  $6.00 ;  half  goat,  $6.75 

"Prof.  Thayer  exhibits  the  most  scholarly  and  pains-taking  accuracy  in  all.his 
work,  especial  attention  being  given  to  references  and  indexes  on  which  the  value 
of  such  a  work  so  much  depends.  The  indexes  alone  till  eighty-six  pages.  The 
pivblishers  work  is  handsomely  done,  and  we  cannot  conceive  that  a  better  Winer 
should  be  for  many  years  to  come  accessible  to  American  scholars."  —  Princeton 
Review. 

"  Prof.  Thayer  speaks  with  great  modesty  of  the  work  as  being  '  substantially  a 
revision  of  Professor  Masson's  translation.'     We  have  carefully  compared  many 

Earagraphs  and  pages,  and  find  that  the  lal>or  performed  by  him  is  by  no  means 
inted  in  his  unjjretending  preface.  The  improvement  in  purity,  transparency,  and 
accuracy  of  style,  as  well  as  in  fidelity,  is  very  noticeable.  This  edition  has  the 
advantage  of  being  brought  down  to  18G6,  embodying  the  labors  of  one  of  the 
rijjest  scholars  of  Germany  for  a  life-time,  and  containing  references  in  cases  of 
textual  criticism  to  the  Codex  Sinaiticus.  There  are  three  elaborate  and  exhaus- 
tive indexes The  invaluable  contents  of  the  volume  are  thus  at  once  at  the 

command  of  the  scholar We  are  struck  with  the  appropriateness  of  an  ex- 

Sression  on  the  title-page:  'prepared  as  a.  solid  Uisis  i'or  the  interpretation  of  the 
lew  Testament.'  Clergymen  of  scholarly  habits  will  fin<l  this  Grammar,  Robin- 
son's New  Test.  Lexicon,  and  a  critical  edition  of  the  Greek  Testament  about  all 
the  exegetical  apparatus  they  will  need.  A  dear  head,  patient  study,  and  .sympa- 
thy with  the  Divine  Spirit  will,  with  such  helps,  do  the  work  of  a  Commentator 
for  them  better  than  Commentaries  themselves  without  them."  —  P'acijic. 

"  Persons  who  have  Mr.  Masson's  translation  ou<:iit  by  all  means,  we  think,  to 
procure  this  new  edition If  they  make  any  consideralile  use  of  the  great  gram- 
marian's work,  it  will  lie  unjust  to  him  ami  to  themselves  if  they  should  be  content 
with  .slovenly,  inadequate,  obscure,  and  often  erroneous  rendering,  where  it  is  now 

possible  to  do  so  much  better We  trust  that  this  admirable  edition  of  a  justly 

famous  and  surpassingly  valuable  work,  will  gain  extensive  circulation,  and  that 
the  sttuly  of  it  will  begin  afresh."  —  Baptist  Qumicrli/. 

"  The  Seventh  Edition  of  Winer,  superintended  by  Liinemann  (Lcipz.  18b"),  we 
have  at  last,  tiianks  to  Professor  Thayer,  in  a  really  accurate  translation."  --  Dr. 
Ezra  Alibott,  in  .'Smith's  Dictionnri/  of  the  Bibh-  {American  Jul.}. 

"  The  i>resent  work,  as  the  translator  informs  his  readers,  is  founded,  upon  and 
is  substantially  a  revision  of,  the  translation  by  I'rofessor  Kdward  Masson,  which 
appeared  about  ten  years  ago.  Tins  translation  was  nuide  from  the  sixth  edition 
of  the  original.  It  was  more  valuable,  on  this  account,  than  the  translations  of 
previous  editions  at  an  earlier  date  ;  but,  as  is  well  known,  it  was  so  marred  by 
mistakes  as  to  make  it  an  unsatisfactory  work.  A  thorough  and  careful  compari- 
son of  it  with  the  CJerinan  work,  anil  tiie  preparation  of  a  new  American  transla- 
tions were  much  to  be  desired The  translator's  jireface  informs  us  that  after 

a  very  consideralile  jiortion  of  the  work  had  been  tinished,  and  three  hundred 
pages  or  more  had  been  6tereotyj)ed,  the  jilans  wiiich  had  been  formcfl  were  largely 
modified  by  the  jmblication  of  the  seventh  edition  of  the  Granmiar  in  Germany. 
With  a  detenniuation  to  imikc  the  work  as  valuable  as  possible,  the  translator  re- 
solved to  revise  the  whole  in  connection  with  this  latest  edition.  He  accordingly 
retraced  his  stij)s  to  a  cousideraljle  de^Mce,  and  pnjiaivd  his  translation  in  conform- 
ity with  his  moditicd  jilan.  The  residt  is,  that  \Ne  have  bifore  us,  in  our  own  lan- 
guage, "a  reproductitm  of  the  original  work,"  in  its  nu)st  perfect  form,  and  with 
it.s  author's  latest  additions  and  improvcnunts.  The  wisdom.  As  well  as  the  apjire- 
ciation  of  the  interests  of  students  of  the  New  Testament,  which  Professor  Thayer, 
has  dis])layed  in  adojiting  this  course  at  the  cost  of  longdelav  and  largely  increased 
labor,  entitle  him  to  the  favorable  regard  of  the  public."  —  Kcw  Enjlinder, 

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